PD - Assignment Essays

THE QUESTION IS IN THE ATTACHEMENT

PADM 530

Article Review Assignment

Instructions

Overview

You will write two article reviews based on the designated articles located in the Learn folder as assigned. You will assess values and conflicts of interest that emerge during the economic development process. Each article review will summarize and critique the author’s position/conclusion in at least 500 words in APA format.

Instructions

Each paragraph of your review should be written using clear and concise language, and thoroughly discuss important details of the article along with the key elements which relate back to concepts within the course.

· Length of assignment: 500 Words

· Format of assignment: APA Style

· Number of citations: No less than 3

· Acceptable sources: Scholarly articles published within the last five years

Note: Your assignment will be checked for originality via the Turnitin plagiarism tool.

POST-INDUSTRIAL APPROACHES TO URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN DENVER,

COLORADO: EVALUATING STRATEGIC NEIGHBORHOOD PLANS

LUCAS W. PALMISANO

B.A., Ohio University, 2000

A thesis submitted to the

Faculty of the Graduate School of the

University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for a

Master of Arts

Political Science

2014

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LUCAS W. PALMISANO

iii

This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by

Lucas W. Palmisano

has been approved for the

Political Science Program

Anthony Robinson, Chair

Thaddeus Tecza

Michael Berry

Date: April 27, 2014

Palmisano, Lucas W. (M.A., Political Science)

Post-Industrial Approaches to Urban Development in Denver, Colorado: Evaluating
Strategic Neighborhood Plans

Thesis directed by Professor Anthony Robinson

ABSTRACT

Research has shown that neoliberal economic reforms and globalization have

helped foster a post-industrial economy in the United States. As manufacturing has fled

for cheaper labor markets, this post-industrial economy increasingly focuses on creative

and knowledge-based industries, financial sectors and related service industries, and

tourism as economic drivers. This has led to a rise of the “creative class” of labor who

specialize in these areas. A literature review has shown that city and regional strategic

plans have begun to focus on attracting these industries, the creative class and capital

investment rather than focus on building strong communities through social reproduction

strategies. This thesis will investigate whether these changes can be observed on a

neighborhood planning level by investigating strategic neighborhood plans prepared by

the Community Planning and Development department at the City of Denver.

The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.

Approved: Anthony Robinson

DEDICATION

I would like to thank everyone who has helped, inspired or simply put up with me along

the way in this endeavor, especially my parents and sisters, Collin, Brittany, BO, my

friends, MDCL…

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 1

II. NEOLIBERALISM AND CHANGING URBAN DYNAMICS 9

Neoliberal Economic Theory 9

Global Economic Trends and Urban Dynamics 14

Urban Planning & Community Development Efforts in
the New Global Order 27

The Neoliberal Turn in Planning 35

III. DENVER: A CASE STUDY 50

Denver’s Comprehensive Plans 52

Denver’s Comprehensive Plan 2000 55

Denver’s Changing Planning Philosophy 60

The 1976-77 Five Points Neighborhood Plan 64

The 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan 67

The 2003 River North Small Area Plan 77

The 1981 Westside Neighborhood Plan 82

The 2010 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan 87

The 1976 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan 94

The 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan 97

IV. THE CHANGING FACE OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT 106

BIBLIOGRAPHY 110

vii

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE

1. Areas of Change 67

2. Five Points Neighborhood 74

3. Northeast Downtown study area 76

4. Ballpark Historic District 80

5. River North small area conceptual plan 87

6. Land use in River North 89

7. La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood character areas 92

8. Single-head of households and areas of change 97

9. Cherry Creek Neighborhood 103

10. Cherry Creek pedestrian areas 108

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In the face of increasing globalization, how have neoliberal economic trends and

the movement towards a post-industrial economy affected the development of strategic

neighborhood plans in American urban cities? The purpose of this paper is to examine the

degree to which strategic neighborhood plans are utilized as part of an economic growth

strategy as American cities seek their place in a globalizing, post-industrial economy.

This thesis will investigate the extent to which local neighborhood plans target specific

industries, investments, development projects, and services that can be understood in the

context of cities competing for a “creative economy” place in the global marketplace. To

what extent does urban planning in this new context focus on economic development

challenges rather than on the social needs of the community?

From the 1930s to the 1960s, in accordance with Keynesian economic thought

that was highly influential at the time, planning for the social needs of the community

dominated urban development policies. This period saw urban planning departments

become more professionalized. New Deal urban development policies focused on social

programs that sought to strengthen the labor class, and expand an American middle class.

These “demand side” policies utilized progressive taxation, higher wages, worker

protections, and social safety net programs to directly support and uplift the poorest and

most downtrodden citizens. By creating the conditions for more empowered lower and

middle classes, Keynesian planning efforts sought to increase economic productivity and

lower-class buying power, and improve quality of life. It was believed these conditions

would lead to a stronger overall economy (Krugman, 2007). This planning model based

on social reproduction came to be known as “equity planning,” and is best exemplified in

the Cleveland Planning Department in the 1970s under Norman Krumholz. Krumholz

believed the duty of city planning departments should be to improve the economic and

social standing of the most disadvantaged and destitute of populations (Krumholz, 1996).

As a result of New Deal and equity planning policies, the middle class was systematically

built in a generation and the United States saw the longest sustained period of economic

growth the country has ever seen (Krugman, 2007).

In the 1970s, however, the Keynesian way of dealing with economic issues started

to crumble as the international economic playing field began to change and adapt to

globalization. Capital, labor, and cultures became “liberated” as technological advances

opened up new markets and facilitated increased travel across borders (Hackworth,

2007). Many of the changes seen nationally also fostered the capital accumulation crisis

of the 1970s. Capital accumulation refers to businesses and individuals earning a profit

from capitalist enterprises and then, in turn, using these profits (accumulated capital) to

reinvest in their business and in their quality of life. A capital accumulation crisis

emerges when profits decline and therefore pools of investment capital do not

accumulate, resulting in stagnant economic growth, declining new business starts,

business layoffs and higher unemployment, as well as declining research and

development, less savings for individuals, and declining consumer confidence (Logan &

Molotch, 1987; Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Hackworth, 2007).

The capitalist accumulation crisis of the 1970s (America’s greatest recessionary

period since the Great Depression) coincided with a rise of an increasingly globalized

international economy (facilitated by increased connections through communication and

transportation). The United States saw manufacturing and industry leave for foreign

markets as new labor markets allowed for cheaper means to produce goods and services.

This flight of manufacturing fed into a broad-based capital accumulation crisis in

American industrial areas and cities, fueling official desires for new strategies to kick-

start local economic growth (Logan & Molotch, 1987).

To stay competitive in this troubled environment, city officials and municipal

governments changed their management style and the focus of their urban planning

efforts. Cities changed tact and focused on constantly maintaining a business-friendly

environment in which to attract investment capital (Hackworth, 2007; and Logan &

Molotch, 1987). The aim was to increase profits and tax revenues, and the belief was

eventually that some of these profits would trickle down and help the poor (Hackworth,

2007; and Logan & Molotch, 1987).

Concurrently, literature suggests cities have become growth engines of national

economies as metropolitan areas adjust to globalization and neoliberal changes (Logan &

Molotch, 1987; Galor, 1997; Friedman, 2006; Campbell & Fainstein, 1996; Hackworth,

2007; Harvey, 2012; Sassen, 2001; and Fainstein, 2010). As changes in sectors that drive

economic growth have led to moves by the United States away from manufacturing

sectors, American cities are making adjustments to best compete in a post-industrial

economy by focusing economic development efforts towards developing and attracting

creative and service-based industries (Florida, 2010). City leaders seek to attract global

capital investment in the form of new large-scale developments attractive to the “creative

class,” (Florida, 2010; and Harvey, 2012) and to market cities as tourist destinations in

order to stimulate economic growth (Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Kriznik, 2011).

In a capitalist post-industrial society, as city leaders target creative-class

professionals and tourists, investors and developers seek to take advantage of these

changes to urban strategy, as they seek to invest their surplus capital in new profit-taking

opportunities. The rooting of surplus capital in a physical development is called the

“spatial fix” (a “fix” to the capitalist’s need to find new profit making opportunities), and

often this spatial fix is found by redeveloping post-industrial and underdeveloped areas

located in inner-city neighborhoods. This concept of fixing capital in a physical

development is not unique to the post-industrial economy. However, under neoliberal

economics, as cities seek the creative class and increasingly use tourism as an economic

driver, inner-city and low-income residents face increasing chances of seeing large-scale

developments in their neighborhoods (Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Harvey, 2012). This

investment in large-scale urban developments often leads to new, redeveloped, and

gentrified neighborhoods that increase property values and exploit rent gaps1, allowing

for investor profit taking, which is the essence of the spatial fix.

Correspondingly, city planning efforts have shifted to a focus on planning of

medium and large-scale symbolic developments. A symbolic development project in this

new kind of neoliberal planning regime is one where developers, politicians and decision-

makers seek to remake the image and fortunes of a particular area, city or region through

the building of these projects. These projects can be used to build momentum that will

spur future development, financial commitments, and a dramatic increase in tourism

(Kriznik, 2011). Projects commonly include consumer service-based businesses such as

1 The rent gap can be described as the gap between the existing capitalized ground rent
(land value) derived from the present use of a specific plot of land and the potential
ground rent that could be taken if the property was redeveloped to achieve a “higher and
better use” (Smith, 1987, pg. 462)

hotels, restaurants, and shops, as well as convention facilities, public parks, arts facilities,

sports facilities, and large residential complexes (Judd & Fainstein, 1999; Harvey, 2012;

and Logan & Molotch, 1987). Though cities have always built large-scale developments,

the purpose for which they are planned (to drive economic development), and the process

by which they are built (through free market, neoliberal programs), have changed.

Erecting large-scale developments has emerged as the prominent strategy used by city

planners and municipal officials to build a successful city.

As cities seek to create conditions necessary to attract investment and facilitate

large-scale development in order to capitalize on the investors’ need for a “spatial fix,”

research shows that city and regional strategic plans have adjusted to neoliberal economic

trends. City and regional strategic plans increasingly focus on the need to attract

investment to a city, rather than on social reproduction through developing and providing

social services or improving neighborhood infrastructure (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Judd

& Fainstein, 1999; Campbell & Fainstein, 1996; Hackworth, 2007; Harvey, 1989 &

2012; Sassen, 2001; Fainstein, 2010; and Blair, 2004).

This change in strategies has coincided with increasing budget allocations relating

to city and place marketing, the increased role of public-private partnerships, increased

use of enterprise zones and tax abatements, new strategies for social control over

“undesirable” social groups, and an increased role by city planning departments in

planning these large, strategic developments (Kriznik, 2011; Judd & Fainstein, 1999;

Mayer, 2007; Sites, 2007; and Blair, 2004). Thus, the role of the public urban planner has

shifted from one of designing an efficient and productive city, allocating limited city

resources, implementing cost-effective and efficient public infrastructure, insuring

adequate health care, job training, and housing programs and improving the lives of a

greater number of citizens through social reproduction strategies to a role focused almost

exclusively on economic development through creating an attractive business climate and

designing urban redevelopment megaprojects, symbolic developments, and tourist

attractions (Fainstein, 2010; Mayer, 2007; and Beauregard, 1996).

City plans, in an economy governed by neoliberal principles, focus on stimulating

economic growth through attracting global capital and investment, and through the

redevelopment of urban areas. Can we observe this broad change in urban planning

priorities at the local neighborhood level? I hypothesize that the neoliberal trend in

American cities, which reflects a broader, globalized turn to a financialized, investor-

dominated political-economy, is reflected in dynamics at the neighborhood planning

level. Although neighborhood plans have traditionally focused on such “small-scale,”

local needs as improved sidewalks, school quality, and local landscaping plans, it may be

the case today that even local neighborhood plans are increasingly reflecting a focus on

economic development strategies to attract international capital through large, strategic

developments.

The intent of this study is to examine neighborhood planning efforts of the City of

Denver to test whether or not strategic plans focused on attracting capital can be seen not

just at the state and city level, but at the neighborhood level as well. Can a change in

neighborhood planning priorities be detected over a course of recent decades, as

dominant political and economic thinking shifted from equity principles to economy

planning? In order to test this possibility the concepts of social reproduction planning

through improving neighborhood infrastructure and providing social services, as well as

neoliberal economic neighborhood planning aimed at stimulating economic growth, must

be operationally defined and systematically charted.

Research Design and Methodology

A longitudinal case study of neighborhood plans designed by the Denver

Department of Community Planning and Development will be utilized. Case study and

content analysis of the change in the overall discourse, priorities, goals, methods, and

language used in neighborhood plans of the same or similar geographic areas over a

period of 30-40 years will be examined. The comparison will include several

neighborhood plans completed prior to global changes and neoliberal reforms began in

earnest the early 1980s, as well as plans completed since. The City of Denver provides a

good case study, as the city is a good example of a growing 21st century American city

seeking to attract foreign investment and tourism (MDEDC, 2013; and Clark, 2003).

In order to measure the changes in the use of strategic neighborhood planning,

careful examination must be performed regarding a plan’s focus on social reproduction or

economic development goals. Factors of the planning efforts that will be considered in

coming to this conclusion will include: the use of marketing, branding, and advertising in

urban planning efforts; methods of financing proposed for developments in the plans2; the

use and nature of public-private partnerships; and strategic use and leveraging of public

2 Traditionally municipalities have utilized general obligation bonds (financed through
taxes derived from wealth transfer from rich to poor for social reproduction programs
such as schools and public works) to finance developments (Peterson, 1981). Other
methods for financing increasingly adopted since the neoliberal turn in urban planning
include revenue bonds (such as Tax Increment Financing, or TIF) –which can only be
used to finance projects that “pay for themselves” through future revenues, since revenue
bonds must be paid off by revenues from the project itself.

infrastructure and assets. Research will focus on existing plans and on neighborhoods that

have completed a number of plans over the longitudinal timeline. Examined plans will

include comprehensive citywide plans as well as individual neighborhood and small area

plans prepared by the Community Planning and Development Department of the City and

County of Denver.

A second step must include developing the parameters by which to measure the

effects of the changes in urban development planning philosophy. Allegedly, cities

increasingly are turning to economic development promotion through urban planning,

rather than supporting social reproduction through supplying basic services and

improving the quality of life for city residents. Can we measure the effects of this change

in city planning philosophy? An understanding of what services and infrastructure

projects were previously offered (and with what official planning goals), and how those

services and infrastructure are currently being provided, is needed to measure the

changes.

CHAPTER II

NEOLIBERALISM AND CHANGING URBAN DYNAMICS

This chapter includes a literature review on the scholarly work on neoliberal

economic theory and planning philosophy. Neoliberal economic theory will be contrasted

with Keynesian economic theory, global neoliberal economic trends and urban dynamics

will be investigated, urban planning and community development efforts in the new

global order will be explored, and finally a review of the neoliberal turn in planning

efforts will sum up the literature review.

Neoliberal Economic Theory

Neoliberal economic policies of the modern era have been described as a

liberalization of trade markets through the freeing of capital to flow across borders, the

reduction of state regulations and economic intervention, and limiting the scope of

government welfare and social programs (Harvey, 2005; and Friedman, 1980).

Neoliberals allege that these reforms create conditions for greater economic growth,

which will eventually create a utopian paradise that will eliminate many of the social ills

plaguing contemporary society. The concepts of neoliberalism conform well with notions

of free market capitalism, commonly theorized to work best under conditions of

liberalized trade and labor markets that allow for the free flow of goods and labor. Since

these kinds of neoliberal economic theories and ideas on free market capitalism started to

gain prominence in the 1970s, supporters of neoliberal economics (including the

neoliberal patron saint Milton Friedman himself) have aggressively pushed and enacted

neoliberal reforms in many countries around the world. These neoliberals have argued

that the role of government in general (and planning in specific) should be to create

conditions favorable to capital investors and business interests, so as to support a healthy

local economy (Harvey, 2005).

It is important to note that neoliberalism has not always dominated economic and

political thinking. In fact, there are fundamentally different ways of envisioning the

proper role of government and government planners. Following the Great Depression,

prominent economic thinkers could be divided into two camps. These were supporters of

Egalitarian Liberalism, such as President Franklin Roosevelt and John Maynard Keynes

whose views clashed with supporters of Classical Liberalism such as Friederick Hayek

and Milton Friedman. Egalitarian liberals, whose views became commonly known as

Keynesianism, have the fundamental belief that markets are not perfectly self-regulating

and they can “self-destruct without targeted intervention by various levels of

government” (Hackworth, 2007, p. 7).

The idea that a regulatory and redistributive framework is needed to reign in

capitalism, and sometimes to help capitalist systems work better than when they are

perfectly “free” to self-destruct, is based on assumptions of theoretical market failures.

These include the concept of imperfect competition – the idea that firms tend to prefer

less competition and monopoly. Additionally, some goods (such as roads and bridges) are

considered public or social goods and are collectively consumed, making them difficult

to price on an individual basis. Other failures of the market can be explained through the

concept of externalities (such as pollution or the cost of building infrastructure such as

water systems, that are not included in the market price or goods, and therefore must be

regulated or provided for by government), or when consumers possess imperfect

information – markets cannot function properly without a completely educated populace

regarding such concepts as alternative products, workplace conditions, or ingredients that

are found in the good offered for sale (Hackworth, 2007).

In addition to regulating the harsh edges of capitalism, Keynesians believe

targeted government expenditures in the economy have multiplier effects, especially if

focused on “demand side” social reproduction policies that seek to expand the middle

class and strengthen the economic lot of the labor class. These demand side policies

expand the economic buying power of the labor class through provision of jobs through

high-wage infrastructure projects, labor protections through union representation and

collective bargaining, growing benefits such as health and unemployment insurance, and

an expanding social safety net for poor and disabled people through such programs as

Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid (Krugman, 2007). Additionally, demand side

policies seek to narrow the wage gap between top and bottom earners through

progressive taxation, and income redistribution policies that fund social programs.

Utilizing demand side policies, FDR, President Harry Truman and other Keynesians built

the American middle class in a generation and saw the longest sustained period of

economic growth the country has ever seen (Krugman, 2007).

Classical liberals, on the other hand, believe the “highest virtue of a society is the

degree to which its individuals are allowed to pursue pleasure. Individuals are seen as the

most qualified at understanding their needs and wants, so society should be structured

around lowering barriers to the individual realization of this pleasure” (Hackworth, 2007,

p. 3). The most efficient and effective means to achieve this individualism is through a

capitalist pursuit through an unfettered market ensured by a non-interventionist state

solely focused on providing safety, competitive markets, and guaranteeing individual

rights and property (Hackworth, 2007). What has come today to be known as

“Neoliberalism” is in effect a rebirth and rebranding of this earlier version of classical

liberalism.

Many studies have shown neoliberal economic reforms have led to the opening of

new markets in Asia, Africa and the Americas; a decrease in the role in all levels of

government in the lives of citizens; and increased global competition for development

and capital investment (Leitner, Sheppard, Sziarto, & Maringanti, 2007; Mayer, 2007;

Peck & Tickell, 2007; and Friedman, 2006). While neoliberalism seeks the utopia of free

market capitalism it has “in practice entailed a dramatic intensification of coercive,

disciplinary forms of state intervention in order to impose market rule upon all aspects of

social life” (Brenner and Theodore, 2002, p. 352). This has resulted in market failures

(such as the housing crisis that precipitated the economic recession of 2008), social

polarization, and uneven development as well as “intensifying inequality, destructive

interplace competition, and generalized social insecurity” (Brenner and Theodore, 2002,

p. 352).

Neoliberalism in practice has proven to be a “historically specific, ongoing, and

internally contradictory process of market-driven sociospatial transformation, rather than

as a fully actualized policy regime, ideological form, or regulatory framework” (Brenner

and Theodore, 2002, p. 353). Initially, “roll back” neoliberalism sought to remove

regulations and social programs and shrink the size of government by essentially rolling

back the Keynesian welfare state. Next, “roll out” neoliberalism sought to bring

neoliberal economic theory further into the main stream through “concrete programs of

institutional modification through which the unfettered rule of capital is to be promoted”

(Brenner and Theodore, 2002, p. 363).

As neoliberal economic reforms have swept the globe they have combined with

increased communication and technological capacity, and the commodification of

knowledge and creative fields to drive what some call a “post-industrial” economy

(Liagouras, 2005). In this economy, increasing value is placed on so called “creative

industries” based on information, knowledge, communication, and culture as well as on

goods and services such as entertainment and tourism (Friedman, 2006; Florida, 2010;

and Liagouras, 2005). In practice, advanced economic countries that possess an

intellectual and technical superiority, such as the United States, have adapted to a post-

industrial economy by emphasizing, recruiting, and targeting growth and development of

knowledge-based and creative industries (Liagouras, 2005; Florida, 2002 & 2010; and

Hackworth, 2007). This has given rise to a “creative class” of labor who specialize in

these professional service and knowledge-based careers and are often considered young

professionals under the age of 40 (Florida, 2002). Post-industrial cities seek to attract this

creative class of labor to maintain a competitive place in the high tech, knowledge-based

economic sectors of international finance, business services, and creative industries, to

become what Sassen (2001) calls “global cities.”

As developed countries such as the United States enlist development strategies

that feature knowledge-based and creative industries, the old manufacturing sectors have

increasingly shifted elsewhere as trade is liberalized, and new markets are opened up in

developing countries; meaning that new, cheaper sources of labor have been introduced

to the global economy (Friedman, 2006; Fainstein, 2010; Hackworth, 2007; and Florida,

2010). As traditional manufacturing and industrial outputs increasingly move to

developing countries, traditional industrial powers like the United States must redefine

their economy (Bertho, Crawford, & Fogarty, 2008; Hackworth, 2007; and Florida, 2002

& 2010). It is this economic challenge – together with the rise in neoliberal, free market

thinking – that has led many American cities to emphasize strategic neoliberal planning

efforts to rebuild their cities in a way attractive to particular forms of global investment

capital, and to shift away from planning for local infrastructure, social service, education

and other social reproduction focused planning efforts.

Part of this global trend of expanding creative industries is the growth of

international finance and finance-based service industries over the last several decades.

Innovation and improvements in communication increasingly has allowed further

commodification of international finance, creating new forms of capital mobility in the

financial sector (Sassen, 2001). This increased commodification of finance, and the

growing role of international finance in shaping global development, has led to the

increasing role of global financial centers such as New York, London and Tokyo. Around

these financial centers an explosion of finance-based service industries such as

accounting, marketing, advertising, and information technology have grown (Sassen,

2001). As the financial sector has grown at higher rates than other industries, cities are

increasingly competing for these financial sector jobs and investment, as will be

discussed below.

Global Economic Trends and Urban Dynamics

Growing global neoliberal economic trends, combined with the fact that a

majority of the world’s population now lives in rapidly growing urban areas, mean that

cities are increasingly the economic growth machines for national economies (UNFPA,

2013; Logan & Molotch, 1987; and Davis, 2004). A host of studies chronicle the attempts

of cities to build tourist economic sectors, lure business interests, and attract foreign

investment and development in this new global economic order. These studies show that

what is happening on a metropolitan scale is actually a response to fundamental changes

and developments at the international level (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Judd & Fainstein,

1999; Galor, 2007; and Summer, 2006).

In a globalized economy where urban areas become growth machines driving

national economies, cities must compete against other cities for foreign direct investment

in regional, national, and international contexts (Logan & Molotch, 1987; and Judd &

Fainstein, 1999). In the face of declining manufacturing, cities compensate by seeking to

enhance their position within the international spatial division of consumption in retail

and tourism sectors as well as developing regional professional service and creative

industries (Hackworth, 2007; Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Harvey, 2012). This pattern

has led to perceived changes in municipal economic strategies as the role of municipal

governments in a post-industrial economy has shifted to promoting economic

development, rather than focusing on social reproduction needs (Logan & Molotch, 1987;

Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Harvey, 1989).

International neoliberal economic developments lead to local changes as urban

governments respond to global changes by increasingly adopting entrepreneurial

strategies to attract development (Harvey, 1989; and Hackworth, 2007). Entrepreneurial

actions meant to increase competitiveness, and to help urban areas gain positions as

functional centers or nodes in the global economy, include recruitment of corporate

headquarters, branches, and creative jobs, through the increased use of tax abatement and

tax increment financing strategies (i.e., business tax subsidies), expanded use of public-

private partnerships to promote local business interests, as well as a reorganization of city

planning departments around the goal of attracting economic growth (Hackworth, 2007;

Briffault, 2010; Harvey, 2012; and Beauregard, 1996).

These actions represent a change in urban strategy as cities seek to gain

competitive advantages. In the traditional Keynesian era, an emphasis in urban planning

was placed on mitigating the harsh edges of capitalism by supporting a productive and

vibrant workforce, through the provision by municipal governments of quality of life

public goods, such as low-income housing, quality public education, public works

projects, and job training (Florida, 2010; Friedman, 2006; Krugman, 2007; and Harvey,

2012 & 1996). These kinds of social reproduction strategies seek to mitigate the harsh

realities of free market capitalism as well as focus on strengthening the working class

with the belief that a stronger working class will inevitably be more productive, and this

increased productivity will result in an economy of sustained growth (Harvey, 2012 &

1996; and Krugman, 2007). Opposed to this theory that government’s role is to protect

and lift up marginalized social groups in the face of harsh capitalism, neoliberal thinkers

urge cities increasingly to strive to attract economic growth and development with the

hope that the economic benefits from business growth and large developments will have

a trickle-down effect, reach poorer citizens, and enhance their quality of life (Florida,

2010; Friedman, 2006; Krugman, 2007; and Hackworth, 2012).

As urban governing strategies have changed, the increasing commodification of

homes, neighborhoods, and public space has paralleled these changes as these spaces

increasingly become a commodity bought and sold on an open international market

(Logan & Molotch, 1987; Harvey, 2012). This internationally open marketplace adds to

the increased competition between cities as well as fosters fluctuating local housing and

property markets, as international investors seek new places to invest and develop (Logan

& Molotch, 1987).

In discussing the increased commodification of space, it is important to

understand the notion of the constant need of investors to find new ways to take new

profits. Without constant new means to earn profit, inflation eats away at capital. One

way for capital to grow is by spatially fixing capital through investment in real estate and

taking advantage of rent gaps through redevelopment. Fixing capital is nothing new.

Following the capital accumulation crisis of the Great Depression, the federal

government sought a way to strengthen the labor class by fixing capital in high-wage

public works projects.

When the redistributive and progressive New Deal public spending programs and

the sustained regulation of industry by the Roosevelt and Truman administrations,

combined with the heightened industrial capabilities resulting from the mobilization from

World War II, the United States saw a dramatic increase in high-paying union jobs and a

massive growth of the middle class. These economic changes led to the proliferation of

American manufacturing and industrial sectors, and the Keynesian means of fixing

capital through social reproduction programs and expanding the middle class held true for

most of the middle of the 20th Century (Hackworth, 2012; Florida, 2010; and Krugman,

2007).

However, in the 1970s the Keynesian way of addressing the crisis of capitalism

through enhanced regulation and social reproduction began to crumble, as the economy

was increasingly internationalized. In this international economy, capitalist investors fled

areas of high wages and high regulations (in an effort to make higher profits in lower-

wage locales), leading to a capital accumulation crisis in the old industrial centers. This

capital accumulation crisis, and the inability of traditional Keynesian means to deal with

this crisis, opened the way for new leaders with neoliberal solutions to gain power

(Hackworth, 2010; and Friedman 2006).

As the neoliberals gained power, commitments to social reproduction strategies

(such as higher education spending and high-wage public works) waned in favor of rising

calls to develop cities attractive to international investors and shoppers, such as

developing cities as tourist destinations (Galor, 2007; and Judd & Fainstein, 1999).

Developing consumer economic sectors allows cities to generate “ancillary investment,

high employment multipliers in the hospitality and retail sectors, and local tax revenues”

(Eisinger, 2000, p. 317). Tourism is a way of importing spending through visitors while

also exporting the tax burden through sales taxes or hotel room taxes (Eisinger, 2000).

Making commercial property more valuable in this way allows a city to keep residential

property taxes low while still providing services (Turner, 2002). To this end, cities

increasingly seek to develop hotels, convention centers, entertainment venues, cultural

districts, shopping opportunities, and restaurants in the hopes of attracting foreign and

domestic tourists (Judd & Fainstein, 1999).

As cities in this a post-industrial economy attempt to change fortunes through

reinvention they have resorted to the building of large-scale symbolic developments, the

use of pro-business city branding, “creative class” place promotion and signification,

legitimization of pro-growth policies, and city-wide marketing as a means to attract

foreign capital and tourist spending (Kriznik, 2011; and Ursic & Kriznik, 2012). Place

promotion strategies are adopted through the “conscious use of publicity and marketing

to communicate selective images of specific geographic localities or areas to a target

audience” (Ward and Gold, 1994, p. 2). Districts are designated as artistic, retail or

entertainment focused and a conscious effort is devoted to driving investment and visitors

to these areas.

In addition to the process of pro-creative class, pro-growth signification, the

political economy of urban development also involves the legitimization of the pro-

growth strategy by creating and mobilizing the support of stakeholders, political elites

and the public at large (Gottdiener, 1995; and Mele, 2000). There are several strategies

used by growth regimes to achieve this end. Upscale new developments such as sports

stadiums or luxury housing are marketed as serving the public good (Gottdiener, 1995;

Hubbard, 1996; Mele, 2000), and such developments are marketed as inevitable or

desirable as part of creating an attractive business atmosphere that will entice investment

and relocation of corporate entities (Kim, 2009; Holcomb, 2001; Hubbard, 1996; Short,

1999; and Ward, 1998).

This urban strategy of place-making and signification is based on two

assumptions. First, cities assume they can gain a competitive advantage over other cities

by implementing an effective management strategy, utilizing its strategic resources and

assets. The second assumption is that benefits actually accrue to most people in the city

through ancillary economic benefits (trickle-down benefits) as a result of city marketing.

In accordance with these assumptions, citywide marketing is an important part of urban

economic policy, and is used as a means to make potential tourists and investors aware of

the city’s unique competitive advantages. City marketing strategies can include the use of

flashy images, captivating slogans and sleek logos in planning documents, publicity

materials and advertisements that advance the marketing discourse, as well as more

sophisticated approaches integrating the boosting of international events and conventions

and the promotion of iconic urban projects (Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986; and Kriznik,

2011).

A large amount of resources are invested in promoting a city as a place with an

attractive business climate, a high quality of life, and as a desired tourist destination.

Through attracting foreign direct investment, entertainment/sporting events, conventions,

and the relocation of corporate headquarters and branches, a city is expected to benefit

from economic growth, urban development, an increase in employment, and a better

quality of life (Kriznik, 2011; Smith, 2005; and Kim & Kim, 2011). In fact, many local

regimes believe the fate of a city’s social and economic quality of life hinges on an

effective marketing campaign (Short and Kim, 1998).

However, city marketing alone has limited success in changing the fortunes of an

urban area. Cities, therefore, construct large symbolic flagship developments that aim to

replace seemingly blighted urban areas. Through symbolic redevelopment the urban

regime seeks to replace the areas of an urban area deemed to be detrimental to the

economic growth of a city with “new places of global spectacle, transforming the former

into non-conflicting tourist attractions of mass consumption” (Kriznik, 2011, p. 295).

However, in pursuing big symbolic entertainment projects such as a sports stadium, local

growth regimes create a hierarchy of interests where concerns of visitors take precedence

to city residents. Thus tourist districts, rather than residential neighborhoods, see public

investments through city subsidies and the construction of easy transportation access or

mass-transit lines built to upscale city attractions. Other city support includes the city

provision of new parking for the venues, the rollout of a clean and well-lit physical

infrastructure, and police protection and other tools of physical separation from counter-

cultural personalities, marginalized communities, poverty, and homelessness (Eisinger,

2000).

This pattern is part of a global trend that increasingly commodifies cities, turning

them in to spaces lacking historical authenticity and meaning (Kriznik, 2011; and Urry,

2002). The emphasis of a modern city marketing strategy is more on selling constructed

images of the city and less on promoting the actual qualities of a place. Cities seek to

create a narrative of urban space as a safe and peaceful place, with no conflicts. Existing

environmental or social injustice issues are rarely addressed and can be intentionally

ignored (Kriznik, 2011). For the citizens of a city, increased tourism resulting from

symbolic development can improve the quality of life and generate employment, but it

can also lead to gentrification and social injustice through segregation of poor areas from

new developments, harsh policing practices to keep non-favored populations away from

showcase areas of the city, and the destruction of community by destroying local places

and cultures (Smith, 2002; and Kriznik, 2011).

The role of government in the production of urban space in this new system is

broad and intense. Symbolic developments are typically part of a pro-market master plan

for redesigning urban areas, and the planning of these developments is part of the way

cities are responding to neoliberal changes (Kim, 2009). As an example, sports stadiums

are held up as massive projects that provide a big boon to the city economically and

symbolically, this despite projected revenue generated from games often does not justify

the cost of building these symbolic developments. Sports stadiums are built on the

promise of the increased tax revenue generated by development of surrounding areas,

even though much of that tax revenue never materializes (Euchner, 1999).

Neoliberal governments in this kind of growth regime, share the same goals as the

real estate sector and growth regimes: uniting powerful private and public actors to

facilitate the redevelopment of property across the city to build a world-class destination

and revenue generator. To the principals of this growth regime, creating a friendly

business climate is crucial to the success of an entire region as cities compete against

each other on a global scale (Kim, 2009; and Stone, 1993). Urban renewal, however, is

rarely only about changing a particular place. It is also about how urban officials interpret

and present the results of urban renewal, the outcome and the narratives used to give

significance to a particular place. These narratives can sometimes go against the existing

narrative of a particular place and require the inherently contested sacrifice of the pre-

existing nature of particular spaces (Kriznik, 2011).

These growth regime sanctioned assaults on the needs of current communities in

the pursuit of a redeveloped “creative class” city especially affects the lowest income

residents. Increasingly, as neoliberal changes sweep across the globe, a struggle over the

right to use public spaces intensifies. As public spaces of cities become privatized and

carefully patrolled, many citizens (such as the homeless, or counter-culture personalities)

lose the ability to express themselves outside of the sanitized and regulated environment

(Mitchell, 2003; and Harvey, 2008). Social groups and individuals that do not fit or who

oppose the symbolic reconstruction of a particular place, as promoted by dominant

economic or political actors, are marginalized or excluded from public life.

In fact, as Eisenger (2000) states the focus of these growth regimes is purely

economic and low-income people are neglected:

The city as a place to play is manifestly built for the middle classes, who can afford to
attend professional sporting events, eat in the new outdoor cafés, attend trade and
professional conventions, shop in the festival malls, and patronize the high- and
middlebrow arts. Many, if not most, of these are visitors to the city, and in the view of
local leaders, they must be shielded from the city’s residents. The city is no longer
regarded as the great melting pot, the meeting place of diverse classes and races
(Eisinger, 2000, p. 317).

Symbolic reconstruction that results from an urban policy meant to increase intercity

competition thus becomes a new form of social and political domination, affects social

polarization, and denies political rights in cities (Kriznik, 2011; and Cho, 2010).

Brenner and Theodore (2002) sum up growth regime strategy: “the neoliberal

project of institutional creation is no longer oriented simply towards the promotion of

market-driven capitalist growth; it is also oriented towards the establishment of new

flanking mechanisms and modes of crisis displacement through which to insulate

powerful economic actors from the manifold failures of the market, the state, and

governance that are persistently generated within a neoliberal political framework” (p.

374). In fact, neoliberal strategies for redeveloping cities have severely exacerbated many

of the regulatory problems they supposedly aspire to resolve—such as economic

stagnation, high unemployment, class segregation and discrimination, and uneven

development (Brenner and Thoedore, 2002).

Paralleling this rise in consumer economic strategies, deindustrialization,

automation, and a restructuring of the labor process has resulted in a loss of union jobs

and their generous ancillary benefits. “Increasingly, ‘economies of makeshift’ are

replacing steady incomes, as labor markets are polarized between high-wage professional

employment and low-wage contingency work in the midst of massive corporate

downsizing” (Wright, 1997, p. 82). Low-class workers are shifting to consumer-oriented

service jobs in the face of these traditional union manufacturing jobs fleeing the country

(Fainstein, 2010; and Wright, 1997). As part of this growth of retail and tourism sectors

and accompanying low-wage employment, “local culture is used as part of the downtown

development strategy to draw external consumers to designated commercial areas”

(Turner, 2002, p. 545). Examples include local ethnic, artistic or cultural festivals

(marketed by local elites), celebrated in an entertainment or retail district where

additional shopping is encouraged.

As traditional manufacturing jobs are declining in many American cities, and as

cities seek to grow their position within a global consumer marketplace, increasingly

economic fortunes are also shaped by international financial activities. The deregulation

of global financial flows across the globe, expansion in available credit, and general

reorganization of core manufacturing economies towards real estate investment has been

aided by the substantial integration between property and financial markets (Hackworth,

2007; Sassen 2001). With global capital markets comes the increasing reality that local

communities are markets shaped by activities and choices outside these cities, which

leads cities everywhere to adopt changes to better attract global capital and their own

share of financial sector employment (Sassen, 2001). The leads to cities seeking to create

a good business climate through low taxes, infrastructure development friendly to the

needs of the downtown financiers, the development of “world class amenities,” and

related efforts to attract the leaders of global finance and the creative class.

Gentrification of traditional low-income communities is an associated

consequence of these neoliberal efforts to attract global capital and the related creative-

class. “It marks the replacement of the publicly regulated Keynesian inner city – replete

with physical and institutional remnants of a system designed to ameliorate the inequality

of capitalism – with privately regulated neoliberalized spaces of exclusion” (Hackworth,

2007, p. 120-121). As property markets are increasingly shaped by global investment

cycles, gentrification shows how globally connected corporate brokerage firms, rather

than individual homeowners, are increasingly taking risks and earning profits from urban

redevelopment as property and finance capital is internationalized and increasingly

deployed by corporate developers (Hackworth, 2007).

In this way, gentrification is often catalyzed not so much by the chance result of

thousands of choices by thousands of individual homebuyers and sellers, but rather is the

result of “structural speculators” (large investors, bank lenders, or local governing

officials) who strategically choose which neighborhoods deserve systematic

redevelopment and reinvestment. Local and federal government intervention in favor of

gentrification – for example, by tearing down public housing and subsidizing upscale

trophy development projects in their place – is increasingly prominent and accepted as

opposition movements become marginalized and gentrification seeps into more remote

neighborhoods (Hackworth, 2007).

This resulting politics of exclusion results in the construction of spaces of

pleasure, such as entertainment and shopping districts, supported by middle or upper-

income people living in middle or upper-class neighborhoods. Conversely low-income

areas are considered refuse spaces that developers and pro-growth elites see as ripe for

the opportunity of redevelopment (Wright, 1997). Redevelopment of low-income

neighborhoods that benefits a gentrified creative class, does not redistribute job

opportunities downward however, thus countering any perceived economic benefits for

the poor. In fact, “the consequence of city redevelopment for the very poor and homeless

is dispersion to the city periphery or to the interstices between developed city locations”

(Wright, 1997, p. 89). Redevelopment therefore reinforces these policies of exclusion,

because redevelopment is a mutually reinforcing process to economic restructuring which

acts to amplify existing social and economic inequality.

To keep the spaces exclusive, a harsh and cruel edge has been introduced to this

process. Since the 1970’s, the federal government’s “commitment to providing safe,

decent and affordable housing has gradually eroded to a practice of merely ‘containing’

the poor and homeless” (Wright, 1997, p. 83). Smith (1996) postulates that as cities seek

global capital and investment, they typically adopt “revanchist” measures to criminalize a

good deal of basic human behavior in order to promote an extreme version of cleanliness

and safety. As cities face global competition for investment capital they must promote

themselves as the most attractive place to invest. A city that is clean and safe is more

likely to attract capital, and in today’s environment, city leaders pursue such cleanliness

and safety with what Smith (1996) calls an “angry and militant revanchism,” even

involving the brutal application of police force to enforce standards of proper behavior.

For example, cities increasingly adopt ordinances making it illegal for homeless people to

sit, sleep, or even cover themselves from harsh elements. Racial profiling targets young

non-whites in downtown areas for especially harsh surveillance and policing. Episodes of

police violence against the homeless and low-income youth include such small offenses

as violating curfew (Wright, 1997).

Urban Planning & Community Development Efforts in the New Global Order

Global economic trends have had substantial influence on local urban planning

and community development efforts. A number of studies detail how recent urban

planning, neighborhood planning, and community development efforts have adjusted to

the new globalization and new economic growth dynamics detailed above (CNU, 2013;

APA, 2013; Rohe, 2009; Clay Jr. & Jones, 2009; Elkins & Sharp, 2000; Vidal, 1997).

Historically, the last century has seen a growth in urban planning efforts. Starting

with Perry (1929) and Mumford’s (1953) concept of the Neighborhood Unit, the idea of

the city neighborhood as an urban center for all human activities has been advanced

through the work of scholars ranging from Jane Jacobs (1961) to Henri Lefebvre (1991).

Rather than continue a pattern of unrestrained growth, these authors have generally

suggested that increased neighborhood planning was needed, in order to create livable

neighborhoods, improve quality-of-life, and enhance the lives of citizens in order to

create a better city (Perry, 1929; Mumford, 1953; Jacobs, 1961; and Lefebvre, 1991).

This modern increase in planning efforts was a response to the perceived failures

of the turn of the century City Beautiful movement. This movement was based on the

idea of beautifying and creating monumental majesty for a city through building wide

boulevards, attractive central parks, grand public buildings, and other public spaces. The

thought was that these architectural feats would create an atmosphere of moral and civil

virtue, positivity, and productivity that would benefit the city as a whole (Wilson, 1996).

Critics of City Beautiful, however, claimed it was “excessively concerned with

monumentality, empty aesthetics, grand effects for the well-to-do, and general

impracticality” (Wilson, 1996, p. 72). In an effort to craft a more practical urban planning

profession, the movements in city planning that followed the City Beautiful movement

benefited from increasing specialization and professionalism in the planning fields, as

well as a growing bureaucracy focused on realistic and practical city planning efforts to

improve urban living for all residents (Wilson, 1996). These efforts led to calls for zoning

rules, limits on factory location, height limits, efficient transportation, parks and

playgrounds in dense neighborhoods, and other changes such as developing master plans

for urban development (Wilson, 1996).

As the city planning profession grew and matured it became professionalized.

“Along with rationality, planners’ claim to influence was increasingly based on an ideal

of comprehensiveness – by looking at the region, city or neighborhood as a whole, they

could coordinate the different elements of urban development: land use, transportation,

production facilities, and so forth, which otherwise were the domains of separate,

noncommunicating beaucracies” (Fainstein, 2010, p. 30). Planners used modern tools of

statistical and economic analysis and were able to make policy suggestions based on

rational conclusions by examining the different systems and functions of various levels of

government, comparing alternative policies and choosing the best alternative that would

achieve the stated goals (Fainstein, 2010). This mindset led to an increase in well-

rounded knowledge for planners. Knowledge was no longer limited to just design and

training, but grew to include social science insights including sociology, anthropology,

psychology and other social sciences.

The professionalization of planning had many economic justifications for

administering and delivering public goods, such as police or fire protection, job training

or education, public transit, or the adoption of sensible regulation (such as zoning) in

order to guide private developments in a rational direction (Klosterman, 1996). Planning

was justified to regulate externalities in the market as well as mitigating “prisoner’s

dilemma” conditions in which relying on individuals pursuing their own self-interest in

the market does not lead to an optimal outcome for society at large. Underlying these

arguments is the belief that “the conscious application of professional expertise,

instrumental rationality, and scientific methods could more effectively promote economic

growth and political stability than the unplanned forces of market and political

competition” (Klosterman, 1996, p. 159).

As urban planning professionalized, it also took an equitable Keynesian turn.

Urban planning done by capable local government agencies was argued to be necessary

because the “market system cannot meet the consumption needs of the working class in a

manner capable of maintaining capitalism” (Foglesong, 1996, p. 170). The task of the

state, through equitable urban planning, is therefore to maintain a system of coordination

that supports the social reproduction needs of the working class in order to facilitate

capitalism and economic growth. The built environment of roads, bridges, sewers,

education systems, and other physical infrastructure facilitates capitalist reproduction and

planning efforts aimed at maintaining this built environment is needed in order to provide

the basis for a market in which to sell the commodities produced through capitalism

(Harvey, 1996). The role of the Keynesian equity planner must be understood in this

context. Through understanding how the built environment works in coordination with

social reproduction needs, an equity planner must “intervene in order to stabilize, to

create conditions for balanced growth, to contain civil strife and factional struggles”

(Harvey, 1996, p. 186).

The concept of planning to facilitate social reproduction advocates planning

efforts as a necessary way to mitigate some of the worst excesses of unplanned capitalist

development, and this notion of planners that engage planning in a way that regulates

markets describes many planning efforts that followed the conclusion of World War II.

Planning efforts aimed at social reproduction, combined with the increase and

diversification in knowledge, allowed planners to begin to more completely understand

the root causes of issues such as homelessness, poverty, and racism, and to attempt to

alleviate these problems through planning. In this way targeted planning efforts became a

strategy for delivering needed services to lower-income populations, and these targeted

efforts signified a growing effort in planning to specifically relieve societal ills such as

poverty or racism (Fainstein and Fainstein, 1996; & Fainstein, 2010).

As urban planning increased following World War II so did growth in targeted

community development efforts through federal programs (Rohe, 2009; and Clay Jr. &

Jones, 2009). National initiatives such as public works projects, the Housing Acts of 1949

and 1954, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Fair Housing Act reflect this broad

commitment to creating a more equitable process of social reproduction through

government led urban planning efforts (Rohe, 2009; and Clay Jr. & Jones, 2009). Starting

during the Truman Administration, for example, the Housing Act of 1949 changed the

direction of community development efforts by committing a large amount of national

resources to the state subsidized expansion of low-income housing. The act was viewed

as a historic “recognition of the importance of cities to our national welfare, as a

recognition of the necessity for comprehensive city planning, and for the practical

measures which it includes to assist in urban reconstruction” (Wheaton, 1949, p. 1).

The 1949 Housing Act brought the federal government into the business of

providing affordable housing, provided financing for urban slum clearance, increased

authorization for the Federal Housing Administration to provide mortgage insurance, and

provided funds for research into housing and housing techniques (Wheaton, 1949). The

1954 Housing Act further brought urban renewal into the framework as the act sought to

supplement the government provision of public housing with more commercially oriented

urban renewal projects (Flanagan, 1997), and in a way prophesized a more fundamental

turn to free-market neoliberal efforts that would come decades later. However, the act

also maintained a commitment to social equity planning goals in advanced planning

techniques such as the adoption of housing and building codes, the development of

comprehensive plans to improve low-income neighborhood conditions, the development

of administrative capacity for local planning, and by providing assistance for displaced

households (Rohe, 2009).

Under the Johnson Administration’s War on Poverty and the Economic

Opportunity Act of 1964, the Community Action Program (CAP) and the 1966 Model

Cities program came into existence. These programs, partially inspired by the Civil

Rights Movement, sought further devolution of housing programs to the local level and

an increase in local participation (Clay & Jones, 2009). The CAP funds were provided

directly to community action agencies, bypassing state and local governments (Rohe,

2009). The program also required the “maximum feasible participation of the members of

groups and areas to be served” (Office of Economic Opportunity, 1965, p. 3), specifically

requiring the significant participation of low-income and non-white individuals in the

development and implementation of any planning efforts in their communities. A

crowning achievement of urban renewal and urban planning during this era was the 1966

Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act (“Model Cities”) that created

the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and provided substantial technical

assistance and grants to low-income communities for neighborhood revitalization

programs (Rohe, 2009). Additionally, these programs sought to foster the development of

comprehensive revitalization plans over the creation of strictly brick and mortar solutions

(Rohe, 2009).

This was the Civil Rights era; a time that included calls for programs that

facilitated social reproduction needs in response to the rise of consequential urban social

movements, and a progressive counter-culture (Fainstein, 2010). For example, Denver’s

official Model City Program plan (1968) that emerged during this era begins with

“Dignity! Self-respect! Self-reliance! First-class Citizenship! Equality! Justice! These are

aspirations of Denver Model City Neighborhood residents that underlie the formal

statements of the draft plan which follow” (Denver Model City Program, 1968, p. 1). A

more clear statement of a planning philosophy dedicated to social reproduction and

equity goals could hardly be drafted.

The efforts of Federal plans and policies between World War II and the 1970s,

such as the Model Cities initiative, sought to increase upward mobility of low-income

people through equitable social reproduction, and are described as the “Equity Planning”

style used by Norman Krumholz (1996), as a Cleveland planner in the 1970s. Krumholz

(1996) stated that the overriding goal of Cleveland planning policy during this era was

“to provide a wider range of choices for those Cleveland residents who have few if any

choices” (Krumholz, 1996, p. 345). The planning model was based on a philosophy that

the job of a government planner was mostly to increase the quality of life of the most

vulnerable citizens. These ideals were based on a number of factors listed by Krumholz

(1996) including the urgent reality of the conditions of Cleveland, the unfairness of the

urban development process, the inability of the local political forces to address the

situation, and the perceived moral obligations of the professional planning process.

The Equity Planning model sought to bring an activist role to city planning.

Krumholz (1996) cites the Code of Ethics of the American Institute of Planners as

justification for his activist planning philosophy. The AIP (later renamed the American

Institute of Certified Planners) Code of Ethics states “We shall seek social justice by

working to expand choice and opportunity for all persons, recognizing a special

responsibility to plan for the needs of the disadvantaged and to promote racial and

economic integration. We shall urge the alteration of policies, institutions, and decisions

that oppose such needs” (AICP, 1996). This activist planning role is articulated through

Paul Davidoff’s (1996) “Advocacy Planning” model that suggests certain groups and

special interests need advocacy in the planning process. Though any group can seek

advocacy, often the interests that need the most help are the poorest and most

marginalized (Davidoff, 1996). In contemporary discussions “Advocacy” and “Equity”

Planning are used synonymously (Fainstein & Fainstein, 1996).

Equity planning generally, and Krumholz specifically, sought to promote not just

racial diversity but also diversity of gender, sex, age, culture, and religion, as well as

counter-culture diversity as a means to provide the benefits of modern society to all

(Fainstein, 2010). These ideas have also been articulated through Lefebvre (1991) and

Mitchell’s (2003) concepts of a “right to the city.” In defending the “right to the city” by

all social groups and alternative personalities, Lefebvre and Mitchell critique more recent

(neoliberal) planning efforts that utilize tools of exclusion. These policies of exclusion

allow the benefits of society to not only be monopolized, but also allows the well-off to

hide behind the exclusion from the problems of others (Fainstein, 2010). Critiquing such

efforts, equity planners see the promotion of diversity as important for two reasons. Our

society, though made up of individuals, has an obligation to support and help others

beyond those we are related to by blood or nationality. This is the basis of tolerance of

different peoples and cultures, and the foundation of community in America. The second

part of the equity planning commitment to diversity is that “we take seriously the values

of the lives of others, including taking an interest in the practices and beliefs that lend

them significance” (Fainstein, 2010, p. 174).

Historically, Advocacy and Equity planners dominated government efforts from

the 1940s through the 1970s, a era defined by the kind of Keynesian governing

philosophy well expressed by Hubert Humphrey: “The moral test of government is how

that government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in

the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the

needy and the handicapped” (Humphrey, 1977, p. 3728). In practice these measures in

poor neighborhoods include public works projects, health care programs, low-income

housing, job training programs, parks and recreation centers, as well as requirements for

union/living wages for city contracts, progressive taxation, and free tuition for

community college (Fainstein & Fainstein, 1996).

The Neoliberal Turn in Planning

Progressive urban social movements and expansive government-led equity

planning efforts, helped foster a capital accumulation crisis that challenged Keynesian

thinking and would eventually result in a backlash against these kind of counter-cultural

forces. This led to a subsequent rise of individualism and neoliberal ideas, voiced through

figures such as former US Senator and 1964 Republican presidential candidate Barry

Goldwater (Hackworth, 2007). A reactionary response to the transformational advocacy

planning movements, and the 1970s capital accumulation crisis that followed, led to a

change in the stated goals of the populace voiced through the election of neoliberal

conservatives (Fainstein, 2010).

As stated, the capital accumulation crisis of the 1970s was a result of the system

of regulated capitalism breaking down. Arguably, armed with high redistributive taxes,

American locales faced growing competition from a global marketplace in which

employers and investors could shift production elsewhere. Investment by cities in the

high-cost social reproduction programs of the 1970s began to decline, wages became

stagnant, inflation rose, and businesses and individuals had less profits to reinvest

(Hackworth, 2007).

An example of this capital accumulation crisis can be illustrated in the experience

of New York City in the mid 1970s. The State of New York, where avowed Keynesian

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt served as governor, is the birthplace of municipal

liberalism and regulated capitalism, exemplified in the municipal government of New

York City in the early 1970s. Over several decades and several mayoral administrations,

the City of New York developed an expansive city budget as a result of generous welfare,

education and social service provisions for city citizens that accounted for approximately

55% of the City’s budget at the time of the fiscal crisis (Stein, 1976; and Siegel, 1997).

These welfare expenditures included low-cost rental housing and cheap public

transportation (that made the city attractive for low-income populations), as well as a

city-managed public school district and a tuition-free university system. Many of these

expenditures were mandated by city ordinances or state laws and the city paid a higher

percentage of these costs as compared to other large urban cities in other states (Stein,

1976; and Siegel, 1997).

Additionally, New York City unions had extensive power and benefits, and the

city had the highest number of city employees per capita when compared to other large

urban cities (Stein, 1976; and Siegel, 1997). The city also had a higher than average

income tax burden when compared to surrounding states such as New Jersey and

Connecticut as well as a shrinking tax base as the city had seen a decline in

manufacturing and population. Debt services and public pension benefits accounted for

the rest of the city’s mandated expenditures. The city relied on short-term municipal

bonds as a means to finance these services aimed at social reproduction, moving away

from strictly using such bonds to cover capital expenses such as infrastructure and

individual construction projects, marking a change in how municipalities used bonds.

This change resulted in the city fiscally overextending, and eventually the city was placed

in receivership (McMahon & Seigel, 2005).

As a result of this fiscal crisis, and after being denied federal assistance by the

Ford Administration, neoliberal reforms were forced on the city. New York City cut

services, privatized services (such as trash collection), charged fees for previously free

services (such as university education and health care services), shrank public

employment, and sold off public assets (such as the city’s TV and radio stations) as well

as transferred certain services from city to regional, state or federal responsibility (such as

welfare, health care, highways, and public transit) (Stein, 1976; and Seigel, 1997).

During this time benign neglect and planned shrinkage were two similar

neoliberal planning strategies that gained prominence in New York. “Benign neglect,” a

phrase coined by Nixon advisor and future New York US Senator Daniel Moynihan, is

the free-market policy that advocated a do-nothing approach to dealing with social

problems in low-income and minority neighborhoods, in the hopes that problems would

take care of themselves (Wallace, 1998). Specifically, Moynihan advocated a tiered-

priority approach with how the New York Fire Department used limited resources, to

avoid engaging the supposed persistent threat of arson in poor neighborhoods. In reality,

Moynihan advocated a preference for focusing resources in middle and upper-class

neighborhoods rather than minority and low-income areas. Similarly, “planned

shrinkage” is the policy of actively cutting services from low-income neighborhoods,

forcing low-income residents to move to other areas, and leaving these neighborhoods

blighted. This policy then allows private developers to come to these blighted areas and

redevelop them into sports stadiums, tourist bubbles, cultural districts, upscale residential

and other spaces of consumption (Wallace, 1998).

On a national scale, when the capital accumulation crisis of the 1970s combined

with escalating demands for increased social programs that were seen as growing out of

hand by many, and with a growing popular rebellion against seemingly unresponsive and

unsustainable Federal government programs, and ultimately resulted in conservative

electoral victories; the result was policies favoring deregulation, federal decentralization,

shrinking of federal programs, decreased budgets for social reproduction and welfare

programs, and a greater reliance on free market solutions (Hackworth, 2007; & Fainstein,

2010). This period saw technological advances that facilitated the global flow of capital,

an increase in the market share of the FIRE (finance, insurance and real estate) sectors, as

well as inner urban devalorization and continued physical expansion of the metropolis

(Hackworth, 2007). These factors combined to foster a change in urban planning efforts

that turned away from advocacy planning, and became focused on single-track economic

growth, in order to secure global competitiveness (Fainstein, 2010).

As conservative figures gained electoral success and neoliberal economic theories

started to gain traction, the role of the federal government in urban renewal changed as

well. As noted, beginning with 1954 Housing act (which undermined the 1949 Housing

Act’s commitment to low-income housing as a means of social justice rather than

economic profit), and continuing into the 1970s, Federal housing programs increasingly

focused on commercially oriented solutions (Clay & Jones, 2009; Rohe, 2009; and

Fainstein, 2010). In 1971, President Nixon, a conservative, abolished the Office of

Economic Opportunity created in 1964 (the institutional vehicle for the war on poverty),

and cut many of the social programs championed during the Johnson administration

(Rohe, 2009).

The administration of conservative President Gerald Ford terminated the Model

Cities program in favor of the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program

(Rohe, 2009). This program increasingly focused on giving more control to local officials

over how federal poverty-fighting dollars were spent, supported private market solutions

as a means to implement Federal goals, and released cities from Model Cities Program

era requirements that planning efforts specifically improve the living conditions for low-

income people, and include low-income people in the process of planning (Clay & Jones,

2009; and Rohe, 2009). The CDBG program instead allowed local government to use

funding meant to combat poverty as a block grant with few conditions on use. This meant

that efforts to combat poverty became dominated by big business solutions that promised

to benefits that would trickle down to the poor, but which were less directly beneficial to

people in poverty (Clay & Jones, 2009; and Rohe, 2009).

As an example of the fundamental difference in approach between the 1960s-

1970s War on Poverty approach to equity planning and the post 1970s shift to supply-

side economy planning, changes in Denver planning practices are instructive. During the

Denver Model City Program era, the well-known “brown power” activist Corky Gonzales

actually led anti-poverty efforts as the federally-funded director of Denver’s war on

poverty programs. Gonzales, who himself rose out of the low-income Latino barrio and

who later became the leader of the grass-roots “Crusade for Justice,” focused on social

reproduction strategies such as low-income housing policies, job training, and other

investments in impoverished communities (Vigil, 1999). When Community Development

Block Grants replaced Denver’s Model City Program, on the other hand, radical leaders

like Corky Gonzales received less government support while projects such as Colorado’s

Ocean Journey (an expensive downtown entertainment venue) were financed with CDBG

money and marketed as a means to fight poverty, through trickle down economic growth

(Robinson, 2013).

Also at this time, as national policies embraced neoliberal theory, urban planning

followed suit, moving to more entrepreneurial models, leading to less focus on social

reproduction. This was a self-reinforcing model as entrepreneurial changes in the federal

government basically forced municipalities to follow suit. “Local governments are now

not only expected to ally with business to improve its plight, they are also increasingly

expected to behave as businesses as well. In addition to shrinking during recessions (as

opposed to the Keynesian tendency to expand during such episodes), local governments

are more keenly pressured to produce tax revenue generators than before” (Hackworth,

2007, p. 26).

As a result, urban governments have increasingly focused on growth-promoting

policies as a means to stay competitive, claiming that growth-promoting policies result in

the greatest good for the greatest number of people. For example, by the late 1970s urban

municipalities began using their sub-market rate debt-raising capacity to secure low-cost

loans to support a growth of homeownership. While some of these loans went to middle-

class homeowners, often the beneficiaries were highly capitalized, increasingly national

and international developers and corporations (Hackworth, 2007).

The economic changes brought on by the 1970s capital accumulation crisis,

growing discontent with larger federal programs perceived as ineffective, increasing

globalization, a backlash towards the counter-culture of the 1960s, a rise of conservative

ideology, and the harnessing of Nixon’s silent majority created a perfect storm. Ronald

Reagan, an upshot who challenged sitting President Gerald Ford in the 1976 Republican

presidential primary, harnessed his communication skills and rode the wave of discontent

into the White House in 1981. His rise, paralleled by a similar rise of British conservative

Margaret Thatcher, led to a global shift in urban centers from Keynesian egalitarian

liberalism to Neoliberalism’s revival of classical liberalism, the effects of which are still

being felt today (Peck and Tickell, 2007).

According to Fainstein (2010), urban renewal programs since World War II have

been framed as a battle between two forces: growth (the core value of neoliberal urban

planners) and equity (the core value of Keynesian equity planners). These battles “can

take the form of downtown versus the neighborhoods; demolition versus preservation;

community stability versus population change; institutional expansion and subsidized

construction of sports facilities versus investments in social housing, education, or

community facilities; expressway construction versus public transit; megaevents versus

locally oriented festivities” (Fainstein, 2010, p. 80-81). Equity planning is the latter,

economic planning is the former. Fainstein (2010) notes that a focus on economic

growth, often through tax abatements or other tax relief and subsidy programs, regulatory

reductions, TIFs, and other means, usually results in less and less benefits that transfer

down to the neighborhoods and to lower-income people. The preference in a planning

philosophy focused on growth, is in flashy, iconic investments such as convention

centers, luxury housing and sports stadiums, as opposed to soft investments in areas of

human capital such as education and job training (Fainstein, 2010).

As noted, politicians, planners, and local elites justify large-scale trophy

development projects as a means to enhance competitiveness. Even decisions over the

allocation of traditional means of social reproduction such as parks or cultural facilities

are rationalized based on the potential to raise property values, attract businesses and

investment, and entice tourists, rather than as a strategy to serve the human needs of

marginalized populations (Fainstein, 2010).

Much of the change in urban planning methods from social reproduction models

to ones that promote economic growth, are reflected in the work of former Denver City

Planning Director Jennifer Moulton. In her widely circulated defense of Economy

Planning, Ten Steps to a Living Downtown, Moulton (1999) cites changing demographics

(specifically an increase in young professionals), and urges the use of local public policy

to direct economic and demographic changes into a move of the populace back in the

central city (Moulton, 1999). Moulton advocates that “in conjunction with private

business initiatives, local government can help accelerate potential into action by

educating, providing incentives and removing regulatory obstacles” (Moulton, 1999, p. 9)

as well as through policies that support benign neglect and planned shrinkage of low-

income neighborhoods.

Specifically, Moulton advocates two particular actions. First, the local

municipality can seek to attract growth and investment by providing an environment that

seems inviting. This can be found by providing a “comfortable, safe place” (Moulton,

1999, p. 10) with direct access to food, shopping and services, as well as by providing

neighbors and a place to play. These areas must be clean and safe from threats and crime

(Moulton, 1999). In order to do this, the current population must be controlled and tamed,

or removed. Second, downtown areas must offer an investment motive for home

ownership, so that people with money to spend on housing can be confident that their

property values will rise. Providing housing options downtown is seen as a cornerstone to

redeveloping a thriving downtown, and home ownership is a must in order to attract the

higher value residents who seek home ownership as a motivating factor and an

investment opportunity (Moulton, 1999). In Moulton’s analysis, capital investment is the

driving factor in the development of a thriving downtown neighborhood.

Moulton’s language even mirrors the revanchist sentiment described by Smith

when she says that after the flight of upper income residents to the suburbs in the 1970s

and 1980s, low-income “downtown residents were those who were unwanted as

neighbors anywhere else” (Moulton, 1999, p. 7). She refers to inner-city neighborhoods

as “an intimidating moat” (Moulton, 1999, p. 18) of low-density and low-income

residential communities that prevent middle class suburban visitors and shoppers from

getting downtown. Moulton’s defense of economy planning as a strategy to transform

these “intimidating moats” of low income communities became widely circulated through

urban planning departments through the 1990’s (and was featured prominently by think

tanks such as the Brookings Institute), and well represents the broader turn in planning

towards strategic planning efforts to attract more investment and to develop tourism,

upper-income neighborhoods, and a creative-class demographic as a strategy for global

competitiveness (Pammer, 1998; Gallent & Robinson, 2012; Blair, 2004; and Simpson,

2010).

As Economic Planning has grown and thrived, planning models increasingly

borrow methods used in the corporate world. Common planning tools now include

creative financing through tax increment financing (TIF) and business improvement

districts (BIDs), entrepreneurial governing styles, the use of marketing and branding of a

citywide image, place signification, and legitimization of regime goals. Place

signification is an active strategy by city governments and planning agencies to build and

create a tourist-centered space of consumption that is marketed as a hip, popular place at

which to be seen, in order to drive focused consumer traffic leading to higher tax

revenues. The same marketing tools are used to legitimize developments by creating a

sense of proper and progressive inevitability for these polices and projects (Kriznik,

2011; Gottdiener, 1995; and Mele, 2000).

The increased use of tax increment financing (TIF) shows entrepreneurial

governing methods when it comes to financing, in that this model depends on increasing

property values in order to generate the increased tax revenues needed to subsidize

developers. To utilize TIF financing, cities must designate areas as “blighted” under most

state’s enabling legislation, and TIFs then create a special taxing district that directs

future property taxes in a district to fund the up-front costs of new developments that

themselves are responsible for driving up property values and therefore generating the

rising property taxes that pay for the development itself. The “increment” available to

fund tax increment financed projects is determined by the difference between property

values at time of blight determination and property values in the subsequent 20-25 years

after a development occurs. Tax increment financing dedicates most, or all, of this

incremental growth in property tax revenues back to the developer who built the project

that catalyzed the rising property values to begin with (Weber, 2002).

Tax Increment Financing can be compared to general obligation bonds (used by

government to support projects with general tax dollars such as libraries, schools, and

parks) and backed by the full faith and credit of the issuer, including the power of the

municipality to tax its citizens. Whereas TIF projects (the dominant form of urban

renewal funding today) depend on supported projects being financially feasible and

generating their own rising property values and sales tax revenues to pay for themselves,

general obligation bonds fund projects with city-wide taxation and projects need not be

financial money-makers, as TIF projects do. In that way, the shift away from general

obligation bonds and towards TIF financing represents a broader shift away from social

reproduction planning strategies (funded with General Obligation revenues) and towards

economy planning strategies (which are financed by revenues from the redeveloped

projects themselves) (Weber, 2002).

TIFs have primarily been used for large-scale symbolic developments and in

gentrifying neighborhoods “bypassing the slow-turnover parts of the city where there is

little hope of generating additional property taxes” (Weber, 2002, p. 535). These areas are

often low-income public housing, obsolete public facilities (such as an outdated hospital

complex), or vacated industrial areas, and are sometimes taken through eminent domain.

These areas are then gentrified into a hot, new cultural district or entertainment

development. As a means to generate revenue, the current use of TIFs supports the

“entrepreneurial state’s involvement in place marketing, tourism, historic preservation,

and beautification” (Weber, 2002, p. 535). The expanded use of TIFs show that this

financing method has expanded to most types of development rather than to its original

use to redevelop blighted areas (Briffault, 2010).

Initially, blight was determined to be a legitimate condition necessary to destroy

and replace the built environment in order to prevent crime and disease. But following

the 1954 Housing Act, cities were able to expand their use of blight to areas where there

was a future potential for blight. Over the following decades “obsolescence” was

determined to meet many states’ requirement of blight. Obsolescence is when a particular

structure becomes old and outdated (such as a structure with high ceilings that lead to

high energy costs), but is not necessarily “blighted.” Obsolescence tends to suppress

rental income and exchange values (the ability to sell a property for a healthy profit) but

not necessarily utility or use values (the ability to healthily live in a property) (Weber,

2002). Using blight and (especially) obsolescence standards in this way to justify

wholesale demolition and redevelopment of communities, “urban renewal pulverized the

inner city in the middle of the century, funneling billions of federal dollars into costly

downtown commercial projects, highways, and sanitized streetscapes” (Weber, 2002, p.

528). From 1949-1964 urban renewal projects resulted in the eviction of over a million

mostly low-income people as a means to prevent urban decay and blight.

As noted, other changes following the 1970s included increasing global

investment, a decreasing manufacturing sector in terms of economic production and jobs,

a growth of financial and real estate sectors, an increase in speculative investment,

increased communication, and an increase in the speed of “financial resources churning

rapidly within the system” (Weber, 2002, p. 529). Real estate became “progressively

dematerialized and deterritorialized” (Weber, 2002, p. 529) as urban leaders and property

speculators sought to attract highly liquid and mobile global capital. Investment became

detached from the sense of place real estate inherently possesses. This development was

actively facilitated and supported by all levels of government as they sought competitive

advantage through regressive tax strategies, tax abatements and shelters, and land

giveaways. Additionally, the secondary mortgage market of securitized debt aided in the

increasing deterritorialized real estate market.

Whereas blight allowed earlier Keynesian redevelopment to focus on assisting

victims, obsolescence and a deterritorialized real estate market led to redevelopment

without having to deal with local social responsibilities (Weber, 2002). As opposed to

addressing the needs of impoverished communities directly, Economy Planning places

importance on developing “world class” cultural assets in modern urban development

strategies (Weber, 2002), and cities must leverage these world-class cultural attractions

and amenities in order to thrive (Moulton, 1999). This is part of the effort to improve a

city’s attractiveness to global investors and the creative-class, thereby spurring more city

development (Sirgy & Cornell, 2002; and Rosenstein, 2011).

In reality, these cultural assets tend to be concentrated in downtowns and in

cultural districts and away from neighborhoods. This shift to “world class” trophy

developments, therefore, leads to the existing assets of local communities going under-

recognized and being insufficiently supported (Rosenstein, 2011). These geographically

centered cultural districts can become “tourist bubbles” (Judd and Fainstein, 1999) as

these areas are marketed towards suburban visitors and tourists through local arts

commissions, film and music offices, and visitors and convention bureaus; and carefully

segregated and protected from unsightly images of poverty (such as homeless

encampments or low-income neighborhoods) or marginal personalities (such as

unlicensed street performers and vendors or collections of loitering young non-white

men) (Wright, 1997; and Smith, 1996).

As Eisinger eloquently states:

Thus it is all too common for a city to use its scarce resources not to build
infrastructure, fund youth recreation programs, subsidize homeless shelters, or enrich
the schools but to help wealthy investors construct entertainment facilities for well-
off visitors who produce few payoffs for residents. When local leaders fail to calibrate

public expenditures to public returns and speak instead of creating a “big-league”
image or a “world-class” city as a way of justifying expenditures on entertainment
amenities, then it is fair to conclude that they are offering their constituents not the
best basic services that have long been core municipal responsibilities but rather the
thin sustenance of bread and circuses (Eisinger, 2000, p. 331).

This narrow focus by growth regime elites on developing world-class amenities and

upscale downtown neighborhoods tends to crowd out efforts to support the lives of

everyday residents and low-income neighborhoods, as these peripheral neighborhoods are

not well integrated into broader policy decisions by local elites (Logon and Molotch,

2007; and Rosenstein, 2011).

Further, as Moulton (1999) desired, downtown residential neighborhoods are now

being designed to stimulate commercial development rather than to stabilize the existing

populace (through building affordable housing or provision of services) as successful

downtown development is seen as a means to improve the lot of commercial business.

“Financed with public subsidies, private development companies are rapidly transforming

downtown areas into middle-class consumer landscapes with expensive shopping

districts, luxury townhouse, franchise shops, and entertainment complexes, often at the

expense of the city’s poorer clients” (Wright, 1997, p. 87).

The development of these projects coincides with a loss of public space, as the

use of such development districts seeks to leverage public authority over the area for

private gain (Summer, 2006). Creating upscale districts like this is a way to encourage

consumer spending in urban areas through marketing and the direction of resources while

also allowing for the private provision of safe and clean environments, and for measures

that seek to keep poor people out. Thus, “public planning is not empowering if it serves

only to privatize space and use public authority for social control of that space” (Turner,

2002, p. 544).

In these ways, Economy Planning seeks to create a vibrant city that can attract

suburban and foreign tourist spending through marketing & branding, strategic capital

expenditures, and urban design standards, as well as by seeking to attract creative

industries and creative-class workers (Calthorpe, 1993). However, economic planning

policies that have evolved to support tourism and the creative economy also encourage

gentrification and incentivize urban real-estate development that has led to an

undermining of diversity, strength, and vibrancy in urban neighborhoods (Rosenstein,

2011; and Peck & Tickell, 2007).

The remainder of the this study will provide on a case study of Denver planning

efforts to illustrate how these global trends towards neoliberal economic planning, as

cities seek to gain a competitive place in the post-industrial economy, are reflected in on-

the-ground changes in local urban planning efforts. The case study will show that not

only do these global trends affect citywide planning policies, but they also shape

individual neighborhood planning efforts.

CHAPTER III

DENVER: A CASE STUDY

The City of Denver, Colorado provides an excellent opportunity to study the

neoliberal turn in community planning efforts on a neighborhood level. The City of

Denver has been actively seeking a place in a post-industrial economy through strategic

planning efforts to target creative and knowledge-based industries and workers, as well as

to develop a thriving tourism sector. Denver’s planners have been leaders in national

planning networks, as represented by the influential work of Director of City Planning,

Jennifer Moulton in 1990s, whose defense of “economy planning” was featured

nationally by the Brookings Institute (Moulton, 1999) and whose thoughts are commonly

cited by scholars and planners nationwide as representing the “economy planning” mood

(see, for example, Gibson’s 2004 work, Securing the Spectacular City). Additionally,

Denver’s Community Planning and Development Department has produced a large

number of community and neighborhood plans that will provide the basis of this

examination.

Several community development plans for my study time exist for Denver

neighborhoods. These plans include citywide comprehensive plans, neighborhood plans,

corridor plans, as well as special district plans from the 1970s to the present day. This

study will compare comprehensive plans from 1977 and 2000 as they set the stage for the

development of neighborhood and small area plans within the study area. Next,

neighborhood plans for three specific neighborhoods will be compared and discussed.

Comparing these plans will serve as a means to understand the differences over time as

neighborhood planning efforts have adapted to developments such as globalization,

neoliberal economic trends, and an emergence of a post-industrial economy in Denver.

The contention of this paper is that neighborhood plans created by the Denver

Community Planning and Development Department prior to a neoliberal turn in the mid-

1980s focused primarily on social reproduction. These neighborhood plans served as

supplements to the 1977 Comprehensive Plan. The planning efforts of these plans were

explicit in their mission to protect, stabilize, and encourage healthy residential

neighborhoods through provision of housing, service delivery, and protecting the

character of the neighborhoods. These social reproduction goals can be measured by the

degree to which new housing developments advocated in plans were meant to provide

suitable housing and a decent living environment to all citizens and by the degree to

which economic development encourages in the plan focus on local business, small

business and complement residential neighborhoods.

In Denver, the 1986 Downtown Denver Plan and the 1989 Comprehensive Plan

marked a turning point in the nature of planning efforts. Further, the Comprehensive Plan

of 2000 codified the neoliberal turn in planning efforts, as new neighborhood and small

area plans prepared as supplements to the 2000 Comprehensive Plan offered up goals and

strategies that reflect their effort to adapt to changing economic times, including the

challenges of globalization, as well as advances in communication and other technology.

The focus of neighborhood planning efforts that followed the neoliberal turn in the 1980s

increasingly had a single-track focus on economic development through attracting capital

investment, post-industrial economy activity, and the creative class. These plans still

include a focus on housing development and service delivery, but as the case study will

show, these resource allocations are part of a coordinated strategy focused on leveraging

upscale economic development. As will be detailed, neighborhood plans prepared by

Denver’s Community Planning and Development Department following the neoliberal

economic turn contain portions aimed at growing cultural tourism, building symbolic

flagship developments and place promotion, as well as a general aim to create pedestrian

oriented places and spaces to attract the mobile “creative class.”

As both citywide and neighborhood plans are investigated, the format for

discussion will follow a similar design. Each set of plans, one from before the neoliberal

turn and one from after, will be juxtaposed, by investigating language and descriptions of

the goals, visions, and priorities of the plans as well as the strategy to implement these

actions. This analysis will include an examination of sections concerning land use,

transportation, urban design and other sections concerning the built environment of both

generations of plans. Finally, comparing and contrasting each plan’s focus on social

reproduction versus economic development goals will conclude each comparison.

Denver’s Comprehensive Plans

The City of Denver has periodically released a comprehensive plan that seeks to

guide the development of the city over a long-term period of twenty or more years. In

order to measure the effect on neighborhood planning efforts resulting from national and

international changes in global finance and trade liberalization as the United States moves

to a post-industrial economy, a detailed look at Denver’s comprehensive plans from both

eras will prove useful. Comprehensive plans are guiding documents that steer future

decisions by political elites, business and development interests, neighborhood groups,

and others. These documents set up the framework for the development of neighborhood

and small area plans that serve as supplements to the comprehensive plan. For that reason

the 1977 document Planning Toward the Future: A Comprehensive Plan for Denver as

well as the Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 and its accompanying document Blueprint

Denver (2000) will be investigated. The plans’ organizational structure and content

sections are nearly the same. However the 2000 documents, unlike the 1977 document,

also include detailed sections on economic development (which is suggestive of the

broader shift to economy planning between the 1970s and more recent decades).

In 1977, the document Planning Toward the Future: A Comprehensive Plan for

Denver was created as a response to the critical issues of the day. This plan was heavily

influenced by regional, national, and international concerns regarding energy production

and the environment. The 1977 Comprehensive Plan was focused on creating and

maintaining stable neighborhoods through providing the built environment of roads and

bridges, schools and public health facilities, police, fire and other services. The 1977 plan

sought to strengthen the labor class and social base through social reproduction measures

and programs. The 1977 plan had such a uniform focus on local and regional issues that it

does not specifically mention global competition at all.

The 1977 plan follows a model of equity planning through social reproduction by

utilizing federal, state and local government actions, programs and solutions to stabilize

all Denver neighborhoods, including lower-income communities. This includes

developing coordinated improvement programs for deteriorating neighborhoods, creating

conservation programs, supporting neighborhood housing services programs, job training

programs, and utilizing other service provision programs to significantly improve

residential neighborhoods that were beginning to decline (Comprehensive Plan 1977).

The utilization of government programs and investment is not unique to one plan or the

other, however the 1977 plan focused on taking advantage of government programs

aimed at affordable housing, service provision, and promoting and developing residential

neighborhoods rather than pursuing programs focused on economic development.

In reference to housing strategy, the 1977 plan advocates programs to conserve

Denver’s housing stock by offering incentives for homeowners and landlords who update

and upgrade their property, and by encouraging homeownership as a means of improving

the economic lot of residents (Comprehensive Plan, 1977). The vision of the plan is

simple as the plan states that “it is recognized that poor housing conditions are related to

insufficient household income to buy or rent sound housing; therefore, the overall

strategy must address the providing of jobs or better jobs for low-income people”

(Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 17). The plan continued “housing should be provided on a

non-discriminatory basis so that people can obtain housing in any part of Denver without

regard to their race, color, religion, sex or national origin” (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p.

22). This quote shows the equity planning efforts also included combatting discrimination

and prejudice.

Though both plans contain sections dealing with social reproduction measures,

the 1977 plan had few components that deal with economic development. The 1977 plan

did advocate generally supporting business expansion and relocation to Denver as a

means to provide needed services and jobs, but in a clear advocacy of equity goals, the

plan specifically stated that developers should “equitably participate in the provision of

needed public facilities” (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 15).

Though the 1977 plan’s section on public facilities called for providing public

services because “it protects the public interest with sound investments that offer benefits

over a period of many years, and it serves as a catalyst for private development in the

city” (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 57), the plan notes that these investments should be

“quality public facilities appropriately located and equitably distributed to all segments of

the population” (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 57). This focus, as we will see, is a

different strategy from how the 2000 Comprehensive Plan allocates resources.

Additionally, the equitable 1977 plan specified, “an economic development

strategy for Denver must recognize that one of Denver’s prime economic resources is its

people and their potential” (Comprehensive Plan 1977, p. 27). The plan went on to say

these equitable planning efforts “would also help to increase the demand for retail goods

and services, and create jobs for present residents, especially unemployed and

underemployed low-income people” (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 27). Like other

sections of the 1977 plan, the space devoted to economic development, in addition to

highlighting the need for equity, included themes favoring preserving residential

neighborhoods, strengthening the social base and skilled labor force through a strong

education system, providing jobs and job training, and providing adequate public

services.

Denver’s Comprehensive Plan 2000

The 2000 Comprehensive Plan similarly responds to issues of the day, and has

similar goals and priorities of improving the quality of life for residents and businesses.

However, the 2000 plan’s opening language is indicative of the change in the scope of the

plan. While the 1977 plan was focused on maintaining Denver’s edge as the regional

capital for business, investment, population and culture, the 2000 plan seeks to extend

this reach to national and international levels. As stated in the 2000 plan, “Denver must

capitalize on its unique geographical opportunity as a national transportation and

technology center, the gateway to the Rocky Mountain recreation and natural resources

empire, the nation’s most central port of the air age, and the most populous western

intersection of the interstate highway system” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 6). This

expansion to national and international markets reflects the City’s response to global

changes in communication and trade liberalization, as well as Denver’s response to the

competitive nature that pits cities against each other in competition for foreign

investment.

The priorities of the 2000 plan, however, differ from the older plan as it states that

encouraging “economic activity will remain a top priority in the early 21st century… in

2000, the challenge is to sustain and spread a strong economy. A strong economy will not

sustain itself without strategic planning and action, and without aggressive economic

development there will be no partnerships of the City with the private business sector and

metropolitan, state and national governments” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 123). As

can be seen from this quote, the clear focus of this plan is on stimulating continued

economic development and growth.

The 1989 Denver Comprehensive Plan, which first included a detailed section on

economic development and upon which the 2000 comprehensive plan builds, targeted

eight economic sectors on which to focus economic development efforts, including:

telecommunications, tourism, international trade, health care, insurance, higher

education, retail, and business and financial services (Comprehensive Plan, 2000). Since

1989, the economy shifted from one of high regional unemployment to one with a

skilled-labor shortage and as the 2000 plan notes, the service sector of Denver’s economy

became the largest employment area with a third of all workers falling into this category

(Comprehensive Plan, 2000). The regional economy also saw an increase in government

jobs and a decrease in traditional manufacturing, mining, and agriculture. These

economic changes reflect national and international economic changes as manufacturing,

mining and agriculture have declined and have been replaced by telecommunications,

tourism, international finance and the relating service industries that accompany these

sectors.

As these changes in regional economic sectors have transpired, a changing vision

for Denver and the metropolitan area has also occurred. As the 2000 plan states:

“Through thoughtful planning, significant public and private investment, and active

historic preservation, Downtown Denver has redefined itself from a daytime workplace to

a 24-hour, seven-days-a-week neighborhood with world-class amenities, many of them

built in the 1990s (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 125). These world-class amenities,

many publically funded, include Coors Field (a baseball stadium), the Pepsi Center (a

basketball and hockey arena), Mile High Stadium (a football stadium), the Colorado

Convention Center, and the Denver Performing Arts Complex as well as significant

investment in public transportation through T-Rex (an expansion of a major highways

coupled with the addition of light rail lines along the corridors) and FasTracks (six

additional passenger rail lines).

These investments have led to a booming downtown as restaurants, nightclubs, art

galleries, retail, movie theaters and other entertainment options have established or

relocated to the area. The 2000 plan takes notice of the added economic benefits to the

downtown area as event goers add dinner, drinks or shopping to attendance of a sporting

or cultural event in the area (Comprehensive Plan, 2000). According to the 2000 plan,

creating this vibrant and cultural 24-hour world-class city is crucial to developing an

attractive brand as the city seeks a growth in tourism and retail sectors.

The partner document to the 2000 Comprehensive Plan is Blueprint Denver.

Blueprint Denver (2000) is focused on land use and planning, and serves as a supplement

to Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000. The central framework of Blueprint Denver (2000)

is designating places as Areas of Change, where new development will be directed, and

Areas of Stability, where efforts are meant to solidify the current neighborhood

dynamics. The Areas of Change (Figure 1) are predominantly low-income areas.

Both Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 and Blueprint Denver (2000) recommend

completing neighborhood and area plans for these Areas of Change as a means to guide

future growth (Comprehensive Plan 2000, 2000). The 2000 plans specifically move away

from planning that seeks to sustain low-income communities, and instead aim to

transform, convert and gentrify these communities into something that is new, fits the

“world-class” brand, and drives economic growth.

The 2000 plan follows the economic planning model as it prescribes land use

decisions that specifically target low-income communities for “change,” and because the

plan is built around “invest(ing) in public infrastructure and amenities strategically to

promote community identity and attract development” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p.

98). Proposed strategies include directing investment towards primary arterials through

Figure 1. Areas of Change

landscaping and streetscaping, investing in significant intersections and gateways to the

city, and creating consumer-oriented districts and public spaces that entice visitors with

event and theater venues, public parks and spaces, and retail. These strategies combine

with a city-promoted brand to market a vibrant and enticing image of the city that seeks

to attract both tourists seeking urban experiences and creative-class young professionals

seeking an urban lifestyle. While strategically targeting public investments is not new to

the 2000 plan, the 2000 plan specifically directs the public sector to use public

investments to develop a climate that attracts private investment and creates opportunities

for “economically rewarding” development (Blueprint Denver, 2000). This marks a

major break away from the 1977 document.

As noted above, Blueprint Denver (2000) developed the concept of dividing the

City of Denver into Areas of Stability and Areas of Change in order to steer

redevelopment into preferred areas. The vast majority of spaces in Denver are considered

Areas of Stability where minimal change is expected over the next twenty years

(following the completion of the plan in 2000). But the plan does imagine some areas of

Denver changing dramatically.

Blueprint Denver (2000) lists features of an Area of Change to include:

underutilized land near downtown, areas experiencing positive change and expecting

continued growth, areas near existing and planned transit stations, areas along bus

corridors that could accommodate a pedestrian-friendly shopping environment, and areas

where major public or private investments have been designated. Most Areas of Change

are somewhat developed and have existing infrastructure but are underutilized and lack

urban design elements such as streetscaping, landscaping, or public spaces that meet the

goals, image, and brand of Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 (Blueprint Denver, 2000).

As the plan also notes, to be designated as an area of change these neighborhoods should

have evidence of disinvestment such as deteriorating housing, high vacancy, high

unemployment, or high poverty rates. In other words, “Areas of Change,” which the city

officially wishes to change, are predominately low-income neighborhoods.

Denver’s Changing Planning Philosophy

Since the development of the 1977 plan, the shift towards planning for economic

development has been drastic. As previously noted, these changes include rebranding the

city as a vibrant 24-hour world-class city, increased use of marketing to target tourism

and business, capitalizing on culture and arts, building symbolic developments to attract

further investment, and attracting and promoting high-tech creative and service industries

and creative-class young professionals that follow.

Building on this change, the 1980s had seen business and government leaders

focus on “major efforts to diversify the region’s economy, specifically concentrating on

retaining and attracting growth industries of the future that offer higher-paid

employment” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 15). As Denver’s service sector grew, the

city used targeted public investments to change the brand and marketing of the city.

“With the Colorado Convention Center (opened in 1990), the Denver Performing Arts

Complex (the second largest in the U.S.), Coors Field baseball stadium, and the Denver

Pavilions shopping center as major attractions for residents and visitors alike, Downtown

has transformed itself from a daytime workplace to a 24-hour city offering an expanding

array of restaurants, shopping, entertainment, housing and employment” (Comprehensive

Plan, 2000, p. 15). The plan seeks to build on that foundation and to strengthen Denver’s

image as a destination for business, tourism, and convention visitors by expanding

national and international airline connections to Denver International Airport and

building and marketing the Central Platte Valley and the Downtown area as a recognized

national and international location for sports, culture, performing and visual arts, and

convention activities (Comprehensive Plan, 2000).

The economic vision of this new era of planning includes making Denver an

international leader in new technological industries “recognized on the global economic

map with well-developed business connections worldwide and strong passenger and

freight transportation connections to international locations. The metro area with Denver

at its core will be a global hub for information technology, mining and energy services,

environmental technology and financial services” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 129).

Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 seeks to continually expand economic

opportunity through an ongoing process of updating the target industries in terms of any

advancement in the industries as well as emerging industry clusters. As a key indicator of

economic planning priorities, the plan specifically notes that “maintaining and increasing

the City’s tax base is a priority” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 126). Objectives to

maintain this tax base include creating a good business environment by improving the

regulatory climate in city government by focusing on customer service and accountability

(Comprehensive Plan, 2000). This entrepreneurial take on management has the city run

as if it were a business and citizens being customers. Additionally, note the economic

planning focus in the plan, as the plan suggests that the city “reinforce and maintain

Denver’s attractive quality of life as an economic asset. Denver’s natural environment,

climate and outdoor activities; well-maintained and architecturally diverse

neighborhoods; professional sports, recreation, cultural and arts activities; post-secondary

education; and real and perceived public safety all contribute to Denver’s attractiveness

to businesses as well as residents” (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 132).

The 2000 Comprehensive Plan also takes note of the importance of the arts in

Denver, as it frames the arts as a tool of economic growth. The plan notes that,

economically the arts and cultural sector is the 11th largest nongovernment employer,

and the 2000 plans seek to enhance the ability of arts and culture to grow as an economic

generator. The arts “enhance Denver’s appeal as a center of cultural tourism”

(Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 195) and as world-class city. Further, the plan seeks to

develop Denver into a cultural and artistic capital recognized nationally and

internationally. The plan seeks to accomplish this aim by “incorporate(ing) Denver’s arts

and cultural activities, institutions and attractions into economic development and

marketing plans that promote Denver as a center for tourism, conventions and business”

(Comprehensive Plan, 2000 p. 202). The plan calls for cultivation of the arts in Denver’s

neighborhoods through supporting festivals, performing and visual arts events, and

cultural activities as well as embracing the development of cultural and artistic facilities

(Comprehensive Plan, 2000).

The final section of Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 deals with implementation.

Here the plan sounds the call for use of neoliberal and entrepreneurial management

techniques. “Virtually every goal in Plan 2000 requires investment of resources from the

public, private and nonprofit sectors. In its approach to civic investment, the City should

be creative and entrepreneurial in leveraging its resources by building partnerships with

neighborhood organizations, special districts, businesses, nonprofit institutions, other

metropolitan jurisdictions, regional and state sources, and federal agencies”

(Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 225). Finally, Blueprint Denver (2000) aligns with

Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 when it suggests a public-private partnership can

utilize public funds or activities to directly foster private investment and development

activity that otherwise would not occur (Blueprint Denver 2000).

The comparison between comprehensive plans clearly shows a current turn

towards a more neoliberal aim of economic development through economy planning. The

1977 plan has a clear focus on social reproduction through support for the development

of stable residential neighborhoods and a healthy work force, and what it calls

“equitable” economic development. Additionally, the 1977 plan seeks to strengthen the

working class through the provision of a steady and supportive built environment,

including education, equitable provision of parks and recreation facilities, adequate social

services, and job training. Finally, the 1977 plan seeks to alleviate discrimination and

prejudice through planning efforts.

On the other hand, the 2000 plans’ focus has taken note of global cultural,

political, and economic changes as it primarily seeks economic development and growth,

and maintaining competitiveness on an international scale. Through the use of Areas of

Stability and Areas of Change, the plan seeks to remake and gentrify low-income

neighborhoods by driving economic development and investment into these areas. The

2000 plans actively seek and promote an atmosphere attractive to creative-class

professionals and visitors through the embrace of tourism, financial sectors, and business

and consumer services.

While an investigation of Denver’s comprehensive plans clearly show the neo-

liberal turn in planning, can this same turn be detected in local neighborhood plans? To

investigate this question, three neighborhoods have been chosen. These neighborhoods

have both contemporary and past plans to compare, reflect areas where the Denver

Community Planning and Development Department has geographically focused its

efforts, and are considered Areas of Change in Blueprint Denver (2000).

The 1976-77 Five Points Neighborhood Plan

The Five Points Neighborhood plan focuses on the historical heart of the black

community in North Denver. The study area consists of several smaller subareas that

form the northeast inner-rim neighborhood outside of Downtown Denver (Figure 2). The

Five Points study area was the first suburb of thriving turn of the century Denver and saw

boom times first, as a wealthy white neighborhood and then as a thriving neighborhood

of early twentieth century African-American culture. Since the flight of the affluent to the

suburbs following the suburbanization of American cities after World War II, however,

the neighborhood declined. The historical nature of the architecture and the neighborhood

in general, the proximity to downtown, the state of disrepair and dilapidation of the

neighborhood, the high percentage of low-income people, the concentration of minorities,

and the potential of the neighborhood for redevelopment have made this study area a

prime candidate for investigation.

The Five Points Neighborhood Plan 1976-77 was developed following the two-

year Community Renewal Program (CRP) study of eastside neighborhoods. The strategy

of the CRP was developed in response to a housing need, the changing nature of land use

in the neighborhood, and the need for “a strong consistent policy to protect and improve

environmental quality” (Five Points Plan, 1977, p. 1). The 1977 Five Points

Neighborhood Plan included descriptive sections on population, housing, land use, parks

and open space, schools, libraries, police, institutions, and circulation; and the analysis

section included socioeconomic, land use and zoning, and public facilities subsections.

There was no section exclusively devoted to economic development.

The 1977 Five Points Neighborhood Plan, as has been postulated, was focused on

social reproduction and this plan contained many goals and recommendations that sought

this end. The strategy of the 1977 Plan is focused is on creating and maintaining a stable

Figure 2. Five Points Neighborhood

residential neighborhood through social reproduction measures such as the provision of

housing, rezoning for greater density, exploiting proximity to employment opportunities

(in the adjacent Central Business District, the nearby hospital district, and the northeast

industrial area), and containing existing businesses rather than on promoting new,

transformational economic development. The 1977 plan suggested that any lack of public

facilities such as parks and health care providers should be remedied on a high-priority

basis.

This plan also had emphasis on strengthening the lot of lower-income residents

through ample job provision, strengthening housing options, increasing residential wealth

and stability through homeownership, and catalyzing the provision of publicly and

privately provided services such as parks, infrastructure, health care and other services

(Five Points Neighborhood Plan, 1976). The 1977 Five Points Plan did not contain a

separate section devoted to economic development, and the only specific reference to

economic development in the plan was to study the concept of tax incentives to

encourage private investment (Five Points Plan, 1977). As can be seen, this plan is

focused on strengthening current neighborhoods and current populations rather than

gentrifying and transforming the neighborhood with new residents.

The 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan

The geographic area that made up the 1977 Five Points Plan has experienced

more recent planning efforts, and is now covered by a number of neighborhood and small

area plans that serve as supplements to Comprehensive Plan 2000. This study will

investigate the Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (Figure 3) as well as the River

North Plan (2003). The Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (1995) reflects major

changes on the ground that include the development of Coors Field (the home field for

the Colorado Rockies professional baseball team), and the resulting development and

buildout of the surrounding Lower Downtown neighborhood – changes which were much

of the impetus for the creation of the Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (1995).

Reflecting Economy Planning goals, the vision statement of the 1995 Plan is to

“transform a primarily industrial area into an attractive mixed use, inner city industrial,

business, entertainment, and residential district” (Northeast Downtown Plan, 1995, p. 7).

Major goals include tackling social issues such as the treatment and housing needs of the

homeless, and minimizing the existing related social service features in the neighborhood

(through clustering of service providers, or requiring design specifications such as high

fences or landscaping that hide service provision from affluent tourists on the street) that

are perceived to lower the economic value and potential of the neighborhood.

Additionally, economic development goals include developing a marketing plan to

promote the area’s commercial and residential development potential (Northeast

Figure 3. Northeast Downtown study area

Downtown Plan, 1995).

The 1995 plan, unlike the 1977 plan, contains a chapter specifically devoted to

economic development and notes “economic and housing development is of fundamental

importance to the City and County of Denver” and “was one of the primary motivations

for preparing this Plan” (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 26). Given

the predominant non-residential nature of the neighborhood, the 1995 plan notes

economic development will likely be the larger focus. Further, the plan notes the

“popular and universal promotion of ‘economic development’ in planning and

community development circles,” suggests the purpose of this economic development is

to create employment opportunities, and urges local governments take on an active role in

this endeavor (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 208).

The plan notes six areas where the City must take this active role in economic

development, including direct investment in planning, financing and implementing large

developments, marketing the City’s advantages, creating a good business climate, and

making sure the developments proceed as planned (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood

Plan, 1995). The 1995 plan goes on to say “most of the Plan’s recommendations support,

directly or indirectly, the goals of economic development” and the plan lists several

strategies to create an environment that make economic development more viable

(Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 210). These strategies incorporate

historic preservation, improved transit options, urban design standards, and land use and

zoning as well as the creation of a comprehensive social services plan specifically

focused on homelessness and the negative impacts due to the high concentration of these

services in the neighborhood (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995).

Top policy recommendations are to “prepare economic and housing development

strategies, develop and implement a comprehensive marketing plan and program to

promote the area’s distinctive qualities, and explore and secure funding resources to carry

out development opportunities and improve the area” (Northeast Downtown

Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 27). Additionally, the 1995 plan suggests the marketing

plan “promotes the image, name, identity, comparative advantages, and assets” of the

community in order to further spur economic development (Northeast Downtown

Neighborhood Plan, 1995). This language smacks of neoliberal economic thinking, as the

quote promotes a comprehensive marketing plan, economic development strategies, and

improving the image and brand of the area.

As a specific economic growth strategy, the 1995 plan notes that Northeast

Downtown has peaked as an industrial area and as it transitions to a mixed-use area it

“functions very well as an ‘incubator area,’ providing a relatively low cost, centrally

located area to small businesses and entrepreneurs” (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood

Plan, 1995, p. 212). This language is obviously geared towards the recruitment of middle-

class, creative-class young professionals to a community that was once low-income and

primarily non-white.

The 1995 plan notes the importance of financing to achieve these goals, and lists

several ways for which businesses can gain financing including through entrepreneurial

public financing at the local, state and Federal level as well as through private banks,

public-private partnerships, business improvement districts, tax increment financing,

leveraging public funds, and tax abatement (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan,

1995). The plan does note the “vigorous competition for development” the neighborhood

has with other areas and suggests a coordinated economic development strategy is needed

to manage economic development (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p.

235).

In a separate chapter, the Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (1995) seeks

to create a housing development plan that is an integral part of the redevelopment and

revitalization of the neighborhood, and a component of the overall economic

development strategy. Increasing the residential base in the neighborhood promotes new

and existing development because “an active populace results in a safer and more

progressive urban environment” (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p.

243). Through adaptive reuse of industrial buildings and targeted infill, this economic

development strategy seeks upscale housing to attract creative-class young professionals

by converting industrial buildings to lofts, live/work studio residences, and new mixed-

use residential and commercial/retail developments.

The Northeast Downtown Denver Market Analysis was completed as part of the

planning process and incorporated as a chapter in the 1995 Plan. Findings include “the

need to improve its rough and unkempt image in order to expand the range of its market

opportunities” (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 12) as well as the use of

Coors Field to create new market interest. Additionally, a priority of the 1995 plan is to

help define and (re)name the neighborhood area of Northeast Downtown in order to

foster a new identity (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995).

As part of the intention to create a new brand, the 1995 plan seeks to capitalize on

Coors Field through a drive to create the Ballpark Historic District (Figure 4). This

historic district is touted as a way that historic preservation and urban design standards

can have a role in “stabilizing development conditions and facilitating appropriate re-

development” (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 17). Reflecting these goals

of using historical themes as a development opportunity, the architects of Coors Field

considered the historical nature of the neighborhood as the ballpark design was meant to

resemble a modern take on an early 20th Century urban ballpark (Ballparks of Baseball,

2013); though one with ample commercial and entertainment options meant to anchor the

development of Lower Downtown to the south and west and Northeast Downtown to the

north and east. In fact, the 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan refers to Coors

Field as an “entertainment palace built into the neighborhood” and suggests restaurants,

Figure 4. Ballpark Historic District

re-use opportunities for residential development, arts related or business showrooms, and

offices as development opportunities around the ballpark (Northeast Downtown

Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 17). The ballpark serves as the anchor for the 1995 plan’s

desire to create an entertainment district and leverage these attractions when seeking

investment in new commercial and residential development.

The marketing analysis notes the new market exposure the neighborhood will

experience by the influx of baseball fans from Coors Field, and that the “opportunity to

showcase these areas on a repeated basis at no cost to the subarea is a tremendous market

opportunity” (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 44). The plan suggests

the creation of this mixed-use Northeast Downtown neighborhood will “maximize market

opportunities and, in time, create an exciting and distinctive part of Denver” (Northeast

Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 21). The 1995 plan’s focus for the Ballpark

subarea as an entertainment district is indicative of the focus by local government on

entertainment and tourism as economic growth sectors.

The plan further seeks to capitalize on the cultural and historic nature of the

neighborhood when it notes, in the land use section, that this area’s history and identity is

associated with the influx of many different ethnic groups “who want to preserve and

expand that multicultural heritage in a marketplace of diverse ethnic stores and shops”

(Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 123). This commercially-oriented,

symbolically-cultural area would include theme restaurants and bars, entertainment and

recreation areas, and retail uses, many consisting of “individual or entrepreneurial stores

rather than national or regional chains” with an “overriding theme, common streetscape

and amenities, a promotions program, organized events and street festivals, and an

interest group to address and promote parking issues, financing availability and

coordination with the City for police and other services” (Northeast Downtown

Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 63).

The 1995 plan includes such branding language as creating “a more attractive,

workable, cohesive, and distinctive part of Denver” (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood

Plan, 1995, p. 22). The plan further notes one subarea’s focus should be as a mixed-use

residential and neighborhood retail area with live/work situations, offices, and

neighborhood support services. It suggests a second subarea’s “distinguishing brand mix”

(Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 20), should include traditional industrial

and residential but also creative class draws such as industrial arts, studios, live/work

buildings, offices, and other support and service uses. The 1995 Plan references the need

to develop a distinctive marketable image for the neighborhood as a means to both

separate it from the adjacent Lower Downtown neighborhood but to also cultivate its own

identity. The 1995 Plan suggests the neighborhood has a “walk on the wild side feel to it”

and that “while it wants to upgrade itself and remove its rougher elements, it desires to

retain a certain ‘reverse chic’ feel and character” (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan,

1995, p. 19). This quote well expresses the goal of planners to create a sense of safety and

cleanliness in the community even as they further build a brand that capitalizes upon the

neighborhood’s existing image.

Design goals also include capitalizing on natural features such as the nearby

South Platte River and mountain views, making the neighborhood more pedestrian and

bicycle friendly, and improving the physical appearance of through streetscaping,

wayfinding improvements, and design guidelines (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood

Plan, 1995). As will be further discussed later in the investigation of the Cherry Creek

neighborhood, the importance of creating vibrant pedestrian-focused areas is a central

feature in the economic planning model.

The marketing summary further seeks to create a positive image and brand for the

neighborhood by recommending the creation of design guidelines for retail business,

traffic controls, design controls on parking lots, and coordinated security for baseball

games and events “so that patrons have a positive experience and impression of the area”

(Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 49). As the 1995 plan notes “the

primary benefit of local residents is as a core business clientele” and as “a desirable and

secure image for other visitors to the area” (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan,

1995, p. 64). These quotes show the secondary place residents hold in planning efforts as

the importance of ballpark and game tourists, downtown workers, and national and

international travelers as potential clientele for potential dining and entertainment

businesses is stressed over the welfare of the neighborhoods low-income citizens

(Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995).

As part of this brand, the 1995 plan seeks to create its version of a safe and clean

environment. Among the recommendations are: increased landscaping but “without

creating meeting places as ‘hang outs’ for people perceived to be physically threatening”

(Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 48); promoting nighttime security

along pedestrian areas and sidewalks to create a safe feeling in order to attract visitors;

and “dressing up” the portion of one subarea adjacent to the ballpark (Northeast

Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 50). The marketing summary highlights the

importance of making and keeping the area visually and physically attractive in order to

appeal to repeat business and notes this strategy must include a “solid, evolving business

base and organized festivals and activities to draw new and repeat visitors to the area”

(Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 65).

Finally, as the Marketing Analysis seeks to capitalize on public and private

investment in the neighborhood, it notes the market reality that “it is important that

capital investment and operating costs enable businesses to succeed with a limited share

of the total market, given the substantial competition” (Northeast Downtown

Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 65). The plan does note a lack of services (such as a grocery

store or community meeting place) located in the neighborhood as well as a need for

improved pedestrian and bicycle connectivity. The 1995 plan lists areas where “potential

‘market stimulating’ interventions” by the City could help, including transportation plans,

zoning, and infrastructure improvements (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan,

1995, p. 52).

Following these efforts, the 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan does

address several social issues, including the concentration of several social service

facilities that focus on homelessness in the neighborhood. Although the plan does

reference the root causes of homelessness as it notes that some homeless are

runaway/throwaway youth, suffer from mental illness and substance abuse problems, or

are “economically disadvantaged” (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 15),

the plan does not offer proactive solutions to these structural issues, but instead offers

reactionary actions to a range of problems peripheral to these root causes, including

proposals to address public safety issues such as public drunkenness, vandalism, and

prostitution; the public health issues such as garbage; lack of access to public restrooms

and drinking fountains; presence of disease such as HIV; lack of a City response to “aid

fallen/stricken clients (detox);” public nuisance and welfare issues including loitering,

“curbside feeding;” and the negative impact on property owners and pedestrians

(Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 15-16).

Overall, the plan states a desire to move social service providers focused on

homelessness away from the economically viable downtown and adjacent inner-rim

neighborhoods, to an undisclosed location further from downtown. Unsurprisingly, the

plan does not specify a place and recognizes the improbability of such an endeavor. In an

attempt to disassociate the neighborhood from the negative image of homelessness, the

plan advocates shielding the public from the provision of social services as best as

possible through means such as grouping the providers together geographically and

advocating certain design and zoning standards on buildings that shield the nature and

function of the service provider from the street.

While taking full stock of the problems associated with homelessness, the

language used in this area of the plan is in line with Neil Smith’s concept of revanchism.

Though the plan seems to offer some sympathy, it mostly advances a need to address

these social issues not as a social or moral imperative, but rather as a means to create a

better business climate. Though recommendations include drug and alcohol treatment,

housing programs, mental health initiatives, job counseling, and a comprehensive social

services plan for city initiatives, the measures are wrapped in punitive measures as other

recommendations include the suspension of provision of any additional emergency

shelters, day shelters or food lines in Northeast Downtown until a broader social services

plan is prepared and implemented (which could, of course, never occur); and a legislative

push to restrict the sale of fortified wines and associated liquors, which is a relatively

punitive measure that does little to solve the actual structural problems of homelessness

(Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995).

The 2003 River North Small Area Plan

The River North Plan (2003) is the first small area plan by Denver’s Community

Planning and Development Department following the creation of the Comprehensive

Plan 2000 and Blueprint Denver (2000) and is in the same vein as the 1995 Northeast

Downtown Plan. The River North Plan (2003) includes three distinct corridors, a

proposed light rail station and surrounding transit oriented development (TOD), and a

special events district. Most of the plan’s study area is designated as an Area of Change

in accordance with Blueprint Denver (2000). The River North Plan (2003), while

encompassing parts of many of Denver traditional statistical neighborhoods, does not

include the predominantly residentially zoned areas of these neighborhoods, but rather

targets old, industrially zoned areas (River North Plan, 2003) (Figure 5). The River North

Plan (2003) seeks to promote these old industrial areas as new growth areas for the

creative-class economy, to identify new locations for development, and to create a mixed-

use neighborhood focused on arts, culture, events, and transit by capitalizing on recent

public investments in transportation improvements (River North Plan, 2003). The study

area contains several connected corridors, small districts, amenities and activity centers

each with their own development potential.

The 2003 plan suggests developing the Brighton Blvd. corridor (a boulevard seen

as a gateway to downtown) in a way that enhances the overall image of the street and

promotes new investment (River North Plan, 2003). Parallel to the Brighton Blvd

Corridor is the South Platte River Corridor, a natural open space where the 2003 plan

seeks to attract new residential development to “take advantage of the river and enhance

it as an open space corridor” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 60). Additionally, two suggested

major redevelopment subareas, on opposite ends of the parallel corridors, offer the

potential to “establish a unique Transit Oriented Development in the vicinity of the

proposed 40th and 40th station in which the station is incorporated into the development,

and facilitate the redevelopment of the Denargo Market area into an exciting mixed-use

community” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 59).

Seeking to capitalize on a close connection to the Platte River and close proximity

Figure 5. River North small area conceptual plan

to downtown, the 2003 plan suggests the redevelopment of Denargo Market into a mixed-

use festival marketplace with niche commercial retail uses. The 2003 plan seeks to steer

housing to the Denargo Market area and near the 40th and 40th TOD area as well as

promote the possibility that “residential in other locations… especially artist’s studios,

may be appropriate” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 94). One final subarea included in the

River North Plan (2003) is the events district. This district, located on the edge of the

study area furthest from downtown, includes the National Western Stock Show (a

national draw) and other venues that offer opportunities for year round entertainment and

economic activity (River North Plan, 2003).

The 2003 plan seeks to utilize similar economic planning techniques as the 1995

Northeast Downtown Plan. For example, in describing the planned transit oriented

development around the 40th St. and 40th Ave. rail stop, the plan reinforces economic

planning goals of branding a safe and inviting space by supporting “pedestrian oriented

and transit-supportive character of the station area that creates a friendly and useable

public space” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 74). Additionally, The River North Plan (2003)

looks to capitalize on public investment, noting improvements to bike and pedestrian

thoroughfares are crucial for River North to achieve the ultimate vision of creating a

vibrant, mixed-use area (River North Plan, 2003). Central to this vision is the symbolic

40th St. and 40th Ave. TOD area, as the area provides a good opportunity for a symbolic

mixed-use development that capitalizes on an expanding transit system and could serve to

instigate further development. The River North Plan (2003) seeks to capitalize on the

attractiveness of TOD to the creative class by suggesting that “in addition to residential,

office, and retail development, this area could include research and development and

corporate office headquarters” that can host both creative and knowledge-based

industries, and their employees (River North Plan, 2003, p. 71-72).

Much like the 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, the 2003 River

North Plan includes a chapter specifically devoted to economic growth. Based on

Blueprint Denver (2000), the Economic Development section of the River North Plan

(2003) identifies future land uses for housing, retail, light manufacturing, research and

development and commercial office space (River North Plan, 2003). As noted, most of

the River North area is industrial, so a large amount of residential growth is planned

through the conversion of outdated industrial or commercial buildings to new uses

(Figure 6). The plan states “efforts should reflect the theme, or vision, for the land use

Figure 6. Land use in River North

area, thus supporting that private investment which can most effectively leverage public

initiatives” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 39).

The River North Plan (2003) identifies an events matrix that cites possible

“events” that could help change the land use, character, and image of the area and work

in tandem with this “creative class” oriented residential development. The plan suggests

land use or capital planning documents can serve as an impetus for further development

and these events include major infrastructure projects such as commuter rail, completion

of new developments, and adaptive reuse that can serve as symbolic developments and

“prove-up the market” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 37). Additionally, the economic

activity chapter of the River North Plan (2003) seeks to capitalize on the Denver

Coliseum and Stock Show Pavilion as a “catalyst for supportive commercial development

that could also benefit the neighborhood” (River North Plan, 2003, p. 79).

As part of economic development, the plan also notes Downtown’s rapidly

growing residential market and suggests River North could capitalize by developing new

retail and service options, including artistic uses that can increase the day and nighttime

population and serve as the impetus for more commercial development (River North

Plan, 2003). In order to retain existing business and attract new business, economic

incentives for development or redevelopment should be offered, the plan notes, and

public amenities, services and infrastructure improvements should be leveraged (River

North Plan, 2003).

As can be seen from this comparison the differences between the foci of the two

generations of plans are stark. The 1977 Five Points Neighborhood Plan was primarily

geared towards social reproduction through stabilizing the residential portion of the

neighborhood through provision of jobs and job training, expanding housing options for

low-income individuals, and by containing business in currently zoned industrial areas.

On the other hand, more recent planning efforts such as the Northeast Downtown

Neighborhood Plan (1995), and the River North Plan (2003) seek to use the full

neoliberal toolbox to attract development through marketing and branding, symbolic

developments, leveraging public projects, and creating a pedestrian oriented environment.

The 1981 Westside Neighborhood Plan

The second neighborhood study area has many of the similar qualities as the first

study area. The Westside, or La Alma/Lincoln Park neighborhood, is located just south of

Downtown and has cultural and historical significance as an inner rim suburb and

Chicano neighborhood. The La Alma/Lincoln Park neighborhood (Figure 7) saw

improvements during the City Beautiful Movement in the 1920’s under Mayor Speer.

These included improvements to the city parkway of Speer Blvd, the development of the

sprawling Sunken Gardens Park and adjacent placement of West High School, and the

opening of the public Denver Health Hospital (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The

study area has high concentrations of low-income residents and a high minority

population. The study area boasts a close proximity to downtown, and much like the

Northeast Downtown Neighborhood, La Alma/Lincoln Park has enormous potential for

investment and redevelopment in a neoliberal post-industrial global economy.

The 1981 Westside Neighborhood Plan focuses on the La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood as well as the nearby Baker Neighborhood, though my focus will be

exclusively on La Alma/Lincoln Park. While the plan did recognize that the

neighborhood had a large number of industrial and non-residential uses, “the plan

generally addresses these areas only to the extent that they impact the residential areas”

(Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 1). This was due to the findings that most of the

problems in Westside were in the residential areas and most concerns were voiced from

the residential sectors (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The residential population at

the time was predominately lower-income, upward of 70% Chicano, and a higher

percentage of the population was unemployed as compared to the City as a whole

(Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). These resident’s concerns are recognized by the

plan’s desire to “maintain an appropriate balance of land uses that preserves the

Figure 7. La Alma/Lincoln Park character areas

residential stability of the Westside community” (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p.

12). This desire to foster stability in the existing (low-income) population is seen in the

plans efforts to discourage further expansion of industrial and commercial uses by

containing them in appropriately zoned areas and encouraging residential infill of

residentially zoned vacant land.

The 1981 Westside plan, as with the Five Points Neighborhood Plan (1977), was

produced in response to the 1972 Denver Community Renewal Program’s designation of

the study areas as blighted and was seen as a way to capitalize and continue some public

and private investment already underway in these areas at the time of the writing

(Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The emphasis of the 1981 plan, much like the 1977

Five Points plan, was on the residential portions of the neighborhoods and contains

recommendations on how to stabilize, maintain and improve these areas through

equitable social production measures (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981).

The strategies for achieving these equitable goals were through planning to

enhance the existing built environment and improving job opportunities for existing

residents. For example, the 1981 plan includes a section titled Environment, reflecting

environmental concerns of the day such as air pollution but also included

recommendations in other sections that contribute to the “equity” tone of the plan. These

efforts include such things as tree planting programs, litter removal, alley paving

programs, improvements to public spaces, sidewalk improvements, funding for

community art, providing dumpsters for areas that didn’t have them, enforcement of truck

prohibition routes, and public infrastructure improvements (Westside Neighborhood Plan,

1981).

In another nod to equity planning for the built environment, the 1981 plan noted

“community facilities are important to both the identity and quality of life in the Westside

neighborhoods since they help to meet the educational, recreational, and social needs of

the residents. They influence the desirability of the community and are essential to its full

development” (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 24). The plan contained a detailed

list of several schools, parks, recreation facilities, libraries and social services within the

neighborhood; and objectives included continued development of community facilities as

the need arose, as well as increasing awareness of the existence of these facilities

(Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981).

Noting the importance of stable employment for growing a healthy residential

community, the plan stated that adequate employment opportunity “says something about

its residents’ ability to own and maintain property as well as their needs for public

facilities,” and “must also be considered in a description of the community’s people to

better understand housing, transportation, and public facility needs” (Westside

Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 4). Some of the plan’s stated goals were the desire to

improve job opportunities for residents, especially for young adults, through better

communication between residents and employers; to improve availability of job training

programs; and to encourage adoption of affirmative action programs by local businesses

(Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). Additional social reproduction employment related

recommendations included provision of day care facilities, encouraging local businesses

to hire local residents, and first hire priorities (hiring residents from the neighborhood)

for City sponsored capital improvement projects in neighborhood (Westside

Neighborhood Plan, 1981).

The 1981 plan further stressed the importance of homeownership to a stable

neighborhood and noted that the ownership rates of the La Alma/Lincoln Park

neighborhood were low compared to the city average. Though the 1981 plan sought to

expand homeownership, it also noted that three of the greatest concerns with home

ownership growth are displacement of lower-income residents, the loss of rental units,

and a significant increase in rental rates and home purchase prices (Westside

Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The plan noted that in the four years prior to the completion

of the 1981 Plan there has been a “substantial amount of real estate speculation,” and

“these sales, resales, appreciation rates, and climbing values are of concern to both the

City and the neighborhood since housing costs are now beyond the reach of many low

income individuals and families that formerly could afford to live in the Westside”

(Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 15).

The plan listed several options to assist in the purchase or rental of homes by low-

income people and families, and asserted specific goals of retaining La Alma/Lincoln

Park as a residential neighborhood by preserving housing stock and “encouraging

independence and self-sufficiency through low income home ownership” (Westside

Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 16). One final equity planning goal was “to preserve or

maintain the community’s diversity of income, age, race, and culture by providing

housing types, sizes, and densities to satisfy the varying needs and desires of all

economic segments of the neighborhoods, giving special attention to low income and

elderly persons” (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 16).

The 2010 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan

The 2010 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, on the other, hand follows

Blueprint Denver’s (2000) economic planning inspired concept of Areas of Change and

Areas of Stability. The 2010 plan’s executive summary, like other contemporary plans,

notes the historical significance of the neighborhood and begins to brand the La

Alma/Lincoln Park as a “dynamic, mixed-use neighborhood at the heart of Denver” (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 4). The vision seeks to “create

opportunities for economically rewarding development” (La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 22) through the development of a mass transit friendly,

pedestrian-oriented neighborhood with new community gathering spaces, and diverse

housing options as well as incubating entrepreneurial businesses (La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood Plan, 2010).

The strategy of the 2010 plan develops several Character Area plans for targeted

economic development and strategic provision of public projects. These include a Main

Street Corridor, a mixed-use area, a residential area, an institutional area, an industrial

area, and the transit oriented development area. These area plans are meant to develop the

character and “infuse the areas with a sense of place” to guide future development for

residents, public officials and private developers (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood

Plan, 2010, p. 38). Reflecting a broader turn to economy planning, the plan notes: “high

volume transportation corridors offer opportunities for economic development, increased

density, and increased transit use” (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p.

40). Further the plan suggests that the city should “assist in paying for local

improvements to spur development in Areas of Change” (La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 22). As can be seen, the focus is not to lift up the current

low-income residents but to transform this neighborhood into something new, exciting

and able to generate development and wealth. As an example, notice in the

accompanying maps (Figure 8) that the areas with the highest concentration of female

single head of households are also the same areas that are considered Areas of Change.

The 2010 plan utilizes neoliberal economic planning strategies to achieve these

investment and development goals include marketing and branding, promoting cultural

and art districts, developing pedestrian friendly spaces, utilizing transit, taking advantage

of natural features and historic institutions, building symbolic developments, and

leveraging public improvements. For example, the Santa Fe Blvd. corridor is considered

a Main Street in the 2010 plan and has an “emerging identity as an arts and cultural

Figure 8. Single-head of households and Areas of Change

district with a Latino character that provides a unique cultural opportunity” (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 33). This is an example of urban

planning seeking to capitalize on culture for economic development.

The plan utilizes marketing to create a “consistent visual identity” (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 45) of the corridor to achieve the goal of

fostering the brand of the consumer-oriented Santa Fe Arts District. This is achieved by

making the area a stable pedestrian corridor and “enhance(ing) the convenience, ease and

enjoyment of transit, walking, shopping, and public gathering” (La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 40). To support this aim, regulatory tools, design standards

and targeted financing seek to promote a “vital core of arts and commercial uses” and the

area as a destination for locally owned shops, restaurants and artistic venues (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 39). The 2010 plan also capitalizes on

public infrastructure improvements in order to “recapture the pedestrian and transit-

friendly character” of the Santa Fe Blvd. corridor through streetscaping, wayfinding,

landscaping, lighting, provision of benches, and enhanced retail and commercial uses (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 39).

Other means to capitalize on the historical nature, culture, and popular amenities

of the neighborhood include “enhance(ing) the S. Platte River as an amenity” (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 5), and the desire to make sure the

“proximity to the Cherry Creek Trail and Speer Boulevard Parkway are capitalized upon”

(La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 17), in order to both inspire

improvements to the area, and to attract more dense residential and retail (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010). Other public improvements in the

neighborhood include wayfinding signage, gateway features, lighting, landscaping,

enhanced building facades, and streetscaping while capitalizing on historically significant

buildings.

Additionally, the Transit Oriented Development, an Area of Change located near

the 10th and Osage light rail station, provides an excellent example of a symbolic

development in the neighborhood. The area has access and demand for transit options,

close proximity to the Auraria Higher Education campus and Downtown, and the “ability

to simulate economic development, as well as reinvestment in historic resources” (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 4). The 2010 plan lists five guiding

principles for the TOD area, several of which further illustrate a neoliberal turn in

planning. These principles include “place making” or branding through “creating safe,

comfortable, varied and attractive station areas with a distinct identity” (La Alma/Lincoln

Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 50) as well as providing a mix of locations for

employment, play, shopping, and residential uses (popular to the creative class) to

maximize location efficiency.

The 2010 plan also notes the TOD area’s symbolic role as a “central organizing

feature and link to the existing la Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood and Santa Fe Arts &

Business corridor” (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 52), by

advocating the creation an east-west commercial space between the TOD and the Santa

Fe corridor. This space between the TOD and Santa Fe Blvd. will be pedestrian friendly

and encompass a network of parks and pavilions. The plan then lists several key

recommendations that planners believe will best serve the TOD. These include

“creat(ing) an amenity for TOD housing” (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan,

2010, p. 52) through locating commercial and retail in the ground floors of high-density

development near the station, and creating new open spaces that connect and increase

positive use of the existing park bearing the neighborhood’s name. These

recommendations seek to steer public investments to the TOD area and to capitalize on

public spaces in leveraging fundamental transformation of the area. The desire to reinvent

this space as a high density, pedestrian friendly place serves the mobile creative-class

professional well.

The TOD is intended to create an active environment, popular for residents and

tourists alike, that includes “incubator spaces for… entrepreneurial businesses,”

live/work opportunities, and ground floor services (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood

Plan, 2010, p. 52). This active environment is hoped to lead to increased economic

development, higher tax revenues, and an increase in population – specifically middle-

class creative professionals. The 2010 plan does list several equitable land use goals for

the TOD, including supporting locally-owned and local-supporting businesses,

sustainable development, providing amenities such as a community gathering place, job

training, and affordable housing but also clearly states that these developments are meant

to serve several economy planning goals such as creating opportunities for local

entrepreneurs, attracting creative-class professionals, and capitalizing on the area as a

“destination to serve as the area’s cultural identity” (La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 54).

Unlike the 1981 Westside Neighborhood Plan, the 2000 La Alma/Lincoln Park

Neighborhood Plan, as with the 1995 Northeast Downtown and 2003 River North plans,

includes a specific chapter devoted to economic development. Generally, the 2010 plan

notes that the neighborhood provides an employment base and calls for supporting retail,

office, live/work, and residential infill within walking distance of each other. This call

aims to support local businesses and enhance local employment. The plan suggests

employment can be found in high-end service sector jobs, light industrial sectors,

nontraditional employment and live/work opportunities popular for the creative class (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010).

Specifically, the economic development section does suggest promoting equitable

local programs that support small business and workforce development, provide gap

financing through the City’s Office of Economic Development, promote adaptive reuse,

and improve public infrastructure as means to revitalize the neighborhood (La

Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010). These goals should be viewed in an

economic planning context, however, as the 2010 plan also lists several “Catalyst

Projects” that will lead to desired change in the neighborhood and can serve as symbolic

developments to further attract investment. As an example, development of public plazas

and green spaces along 10th Avenue would serve to connect the TOD and Santa Fe

Corridor. This will make the connecting corridor a “signature street” where a mix of

commercial and retail uses are encouraged (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan,

2010).

As can be seen from the investigation of this neighborhood, the focus of the 1981

plan is on preserving the residential character of the neighborhood while the focus of the

2010 plan is on economic development. This economic growth aims to transform the

neighborhood and the population into something new and different, and is promoted

through the 2010 plan by creating a brand that capitalizes on the culture and historical

nature of the neighborhood and the Santa Fe corridor, by symbolically developing the

transit stop and surrounding TOD, and by leveraging public infrastructure projects and

improvements.

The 1976 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan

The third and final set of neighborhood plans to be investigated in this study are

plans prepared for the Cherry Creek Neighborhood (Figure 9). Unlike other plans

discussed in this study, the Cherry Creek Neighborhood does not border downtown,

however the neighborhood has long been an activity center for the City of

Denver. The neighborhood boasts a number of retail shopping options that are

highlighted in both the 1976 and the 2012 plans developed for this area. Because this area

has been, and continues to be, a thriving retail district, economic development

surrounding this district has been a part of the neighborhood’s strategy since before the

time of my longitudinal study. Tracking the change in focus of these efforts from the

1976 plan to the 2012 plan should illustrate the neoliberal economic turn observed

nationally and internationally.

The Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan of 1976 was completed prior to the

comprehensive plan of 1977 but the contents were in line with the Equity Planning model

outlined in the 1977 Comprehensive plan. The purpose of the plan was “to provide an

immediate action program by identifying resources that meet neighborhood needs”

(Cherry Creek Plan, 1976, p. 3). These needs, as noted in the 1977 Comprehensive Plan,

were deemed to be programs to retain the stability of residential neighborhoods. Similar

to other 1970s era plans, the policy actions focused on growing the neighborhood through

Figure 9. Cherry Creek Neighborhood

“orderly and balanced development and improvement” that sought to accommodate the

projected population of the neighborhood and keep the character as a mixed-density

neighborhood (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976, p. 2).

In order to create stable neighborhoods, the 1976 Cherry Creek Neighborhood

Plan sought to solidify housing stock, create employment opportunities, and create an

environment that allowed workers to thrive through social reproduction programs.

Programs meant to drive social reproduction included actions to increase

homeownership, job training, and other social services programs, as well as developing,

placing and retaining community amenities such as libraries, schools, parks, and

recreation centers.

The 1976 plan noted concerns over a number of elementary schools based on

perceptions of increasing population in the neighborhood, and included a significant

summary on public libraries that asserted the benefits of the library as a public space

(Cherry Creek Plan, 1976, p. 10). Among policy recommendations, the plan encouraged

the neighborhood to remain a mixed-density and mixed-income residential neighborhood,

while emphasizing the conservation of single-family homes, and included the goal of

increasing home ownership (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976).

Additionally, the 1976 plan included recommendations for land use and zoning,

transportation, and public facilities that emphasized preserving the character of the

residential neighborhoods. The plan sought to build and maintain stable residential

neighborhoods through the creation of buffers between residential and commercial

subareas, effectively transporting people around through a circulator bus route,

developing parkland and a hiking/bike path to connect the Cherry Creek Greenway with

the shopping center, developing senior citizen activities at local parks, and encouraging

street tree planting (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976).

Given the existing retail areas in the neighborhood, the plan sought to promote the

economic health of the neighborhood through the provision of both retail and service

facilities, as well as by strategically placing employment and transportation facilities to

bring workers and shoppers into the area and to transport workers outside the

neighborhood (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976). Though the Cherry Creek neighborhood had

ample retail and commercial businesses, the 1976 plan focused on containing these

businesses in a certain district and preventing them from encroaching on residential

neighborhoods. Economic development was achieved by ensuring businesses had

healthy, qualified, and educated workers through provision of the aforementioned job

training and social services. Though there were passing mentions of tax and other

incentives meant to stimulate economic growth, economic development was not a main

focus of 1976 plan (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976).

The 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan

The 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan, on the other hand, has a primary

focus on economic development that initially begins with creation of an image for the

Cherry Creek neighborhood. The vision for the neighborhood of the 2012 plan is one that

is “connected, distinctive, green, and prosperous” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 10). The

plan states that the neighborhood can build on a “great regional and national image and

signature identity for Denver” as a “compact live, work and play community” (Cherry

Creek Plan, 2012, p. 10). The vision asserts the Cherry Creek Neighborhood should build

on its assets, including diverse shopping options, regional and local amenities, cultural

diversity, and the walkable nature of the neighborhood (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The

language used here sets the stage for the rest of the plan seemingly created to stimulate

economic growth. The plan discusses each of the four factors noted in the vision

(connected, distinctive, green, and prosperous) in some detail, noting how traditional

planning segments such as land use, urban design, and transportation fit into the vision.

For example, a key part of the Cherry Creek image is the identity of the

neighborhood as a prosperous one. Following the planning direction outlined in Denver’s

Comprehensive Plan 2000 of “enhancing existing business centers to retain and expand a

variety of high quality uses, support Denver’s business climate, create jobs, complement

neighboring residential areas and to generate public revenue” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012,

p. 44), the neighborhood plan seeks to support this goal and image when branding the

neighborhood as prosperous. This brand is used to attract not only tourists and shoppers

but also to attract well-to-do residents, creative-class professionals, upscale retail, and

cultural amenities.

In order to remain prosperous, a “connected” Cherry Creek must build on its

transit options. The more current neighborhood plan asserts that the area is a destination

for “employees, national and international tourists, hotel guests in Cherry Creek,

everyday shoppers, business travelers, Downtown hotel guests and conventioneers”

(Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 15). The ability to connect to other parts of the city and the

airport is very important to maintain the ability to attract an increasing amount of tourists,

shoppers and hotel guests. The 2012 plan, when describing a “distinctive Cherry Creek,”

talks about the unique image and brand of the neighborhood based on the perceived

desirability of the neighborhood, the urban form, the mix of land uses, and the distinct

subareas. As we break down the overall vision of the plan, we see how the plan is

oriented towards finding and taking advantage of redevelopment opportunities in order to

capitalize on the tourist and service draws in the neighborhood, and to continue to attract

tourists, shoppers, hotel guests and the tax receipts that follow (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012).

As part of being “connected,” and as has been suggested in previous

investigations of neoliberal neighborhood plans focused on economic development,

creating a pedestrian oriented atmosphere is an important component in economic

planning efforts. The Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan (2012) offers the most direct and

specific reason as to why, when it states “walkability equals prosperity: national trends

indicate that pedestrian-oriented, mixed-use communities will prove most attractive to the

creative class, young professionals, seniors, and families, as well as empty nesters”

(Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 47). The plan continues by suggesting, “pedestrian oriented

development creates the visual interest and eyes on the street to encourage walking in an

attractive, convenient and safe area. Providing attractive connections within the Cherry

Creek area assures that the subareas are well connected and interrelated” (Cherry Creek

Plan, 2012, p. 47). As these quotes illustrate, creating pedestrian-oriented nirvanas lined

with open spaces, amenities and services is part of a strategy to attract tourists and

creative-class workers as well as to promote an inviting, safe space, all of which is aimed

at economic growth and increased tax revenues (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012).

As part of this pedestrian-oriented strategy, the 2012 plan calls for concentrating

economic activity and higher density mixed-use buildings along multi-modal streets,

prominent intersections, and major public spaces to connect to transportation and enhance

the pedestrian nature as well as using urban design standards in order for new

development to fit in with existing development (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012) (Figure 10).

To support this strategy, the 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan suggests use of

regulatory tools creating a Pedestrian Priority Zone (PPZ) to support the existing mixed-

use development plan of the neighborhood, the retail and commercial businesses, and the

high transit ridership (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The PPZ would be the second such zone

in Denver after Downtown and the plan urges both future public and private development

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Figure 10. Cherry Creek pedestrian areas

to take this into account when drawing up development plans (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012).

The 2012 plan further reasons that pedestrian-oriented “public spaces form the

heart of any community. They promote health, happiness and well being. They celebrate

a community’s assets. Successful public spaces attract people, economic vitality and

investment in an area. Failed public spaces create a perception of emptiness and can

result in a lack of investment” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 35). Pedestrian-oriented

public spaces serve to activate a place by giving it additional function and by attracting

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people. This helps people to escape the urban jungle by creating a recreational or passive

oasis as well as serving as a way to connect people to the space (Cherry Creek Plan,

2012). The 2012 plan seeks to capitalize on public investment in public spaces, parks and

infrastructure and turn this public investment into assets that attract private investment

and creative-class young professionals.

To this end, the 2012 plan suggests maximizing the impact of public investment

in streets and streetscapes by creating so called “festival streets” as a means to stimulate

economic growth. Accomplished through a partnership between the Business

Improvement District, business and property owners, and residents, these streets would

be used to host community and cultural events that foster social interaction, attract

visitors and tourists, and support the identity of the Cherry Creek Neighborhood (Cherry

Creek Plan, 2012). As an example,

The recently completed Fillmore Plaza is an exemplary street designed for enhanced
pedestrian, event and retail activity that benefits businesses, residents, shoppers and
visitors on the block, and also serves as the primary gateway to Cherry Creek North
from the Shopping Center and 1st Avenue. The plaza establishes an identity for the
area through enhanced lighting, trees and landscaping, pavers, street furniture,
wayfinding signage and a central iconic structure spanning the street (Cherry Creek
Plan, 2012, p. 42).

This quote has it all. The plan seeks to attract visitors and tourists by developing the

identity and brand of the neighborhood through capitalizing on the culture of the

neighborhood and leveraging public infrastructure improvements.

The signature event for the neighborhood is the annual Cherry Creek Arts

Festival, a regional and national attraction, which takes place on many of the

neighborhood’s festival streets. The arts are an important feature and brand for the

neighborhood as it seeks to capitalize on its artistic identity to attract visitors, tourists,

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and creative class residents and employees. The neighborhood also boasts eighteen art

galleries and uses a mixed art and garden design scheme throughout the Cherry Creek

North subarea (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012).

In addition to representing a “connected” neighborhood, many of the

recommendations concerning the creation of pedestrian-oriented spaces represent the

vision of a “Green” Cherry Creek. Part of this vision is the desire to take advantage of the

underused Cherry Creek Greenway that runs adjacent to the shopping district and forms

the neighborhood’s southern boundary. By improving access and tying in the Greenway

with increased development, the 2012 Plan seeks to capitalize on the natural amenity to

stimulate economic development and growth (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). In similar ways,

the 2012 plan also looks for other economic opportunities that capitalize on public green

space. This includes increasing connections between subareas and public parks, utilizing

parks for community or cultural events by possibly adding an amphitheater, and by

creating a public-private partnership between the premier Cherry Creek Arts Festival, the

Cherry Creek North subarea Business Improvement District, and the Denver Botanic

Gardens to create a sculpture garden as a means to capitalize on these public spaces by

attracting more visitors and thus more tourist spending (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012).

Much of the emphasis placed on branding and marketing the neighborhood is

based in the expectation that Cherry Creek is expected to grow over the next two decades.

“This growth has the potential to benefit existing businesses, property owners and

residents through greater diversity of housing types, increased business revenues, higher

property values, additional public and private investment and a greater diversity of shops,

restaurants and cultural amenities” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 29). The Areas of

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Change in Cherry Creek are perceived to be the areas that can best accommodate this

growth, both in terms of market demand and available land. The plan notes that not every

property or area will see redevelopment but that overall the entire Cherry Creek

neighborhood will “benefit from new development, reinvestment, and more intense use”

Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 29).

Cherry Creek’s designation in the Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 is as a

premier retail destination. The neighborhood generates nearly 5% of Denver’s sales tax

revenue on 0.14% of Denver’s land area (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). As the plan states:

Enhancing the attractiveness and competitiveness as a mixed-use neighborhood with
local, regional and national appeal is essential to the economic well-being of the
Cherry Creek Area and the City. Optimizing economic and development
opportunities benefits residents as well as businesses with more choice of shops and
restaurants, access to amenities, and attractive street and building design. National
research and best practices are demonstrating that walkable, mixed-use communities
are desirable for all age groups and have retained their value and thrived in tough
economic times (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 44).

As this quote from the 2012 plan shows, the belief of city planners in the economic

planning model is that economic development benefits businesses as well as residents

(Cherry Creek Plan, 2012).

Much of the strategy to capitalize on the growth in the Cherry Creek area lies in

creating a pedestrian district, utilizing design and architecture standards (through

setbacks and public space requirements), through specified land use, and by creating

access to and from the neighborhood’s shopping and amenities. Additionally, the plan

seeks to utilize public infrastructure investments because “successful streetscape design

reinforces the pedestrian scale and character and enhances the quality, identity, physical

function, and economic vitality of an area” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 42).

The plan suggests that continued success in sustaining the economic prosperity of

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this area of Denver depends on attracting more visitors and tourists to the area, and by

creating higher density residential areas in order to have more people live within walking

distance of the business and retail areas (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The 2012 plan

suggests that the Cherry Creek Neighborhood currently has substantial market surplus in

almost every category of retail. Thus, economic success depends on bringing more

shoppers who do not live in the neighborhood into the area through better transit options

and a pedestrian atmosphere (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The plan states “hotel guests add

necessary pedestrian vitality, supporting the surrounding businesses and restaurants. The

lodging and meeting/event facilities are important to area businesses, as well” (Cherry

Creek Plan, 2012, p. 45). The plan also notes the tourist-focused nature of the

neighborhood when it states “visitors whether families coming for a day, hotel guests

coming for a week, or conventioneers seeing the sites are an important economic driver

for Cherry Creek retail” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 46).

The 2012 plan claims that the shopping center brings an estimated 1.3 million

visitors per month, of whom three in ten are tourists from outside Colorado’s Front

Range and suggests partnerships with the downtown neighborhood, Denver International

Airport and the conventions bureau at Visit Denver will only become more important

(Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The plan states, “adding more rooms in Cherry Creek and

improving access to and from Downtown (especially Denver Union Station, the

Convention Center and 14th Street hotels, the Theatre District, and the 16th Street Mall)

and Colorado Boulevard hotels is important” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 46-47). The

strategy is logically consistent as more hotels mean more tourists and visitors, more

tourists and visitors mean more shoppers, and more shoppers mean more tax revenues.

105

In addition to a reputation as a premier retail destination, the Cherry Creek

Neighborhood has become a recognized office sector in Denver. The 2012 plan claims

that 14,500 people are employed in the Cherry Creek Neighborhood and notes the area is

“increasingly a regional hub for financial services, and it also attracts advertising,

creative media, architecture and design firms, as well as boutique medical offices”

(Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 45). The plan continues that “continuing to provide high

quality office space for these boutique firms and creative industries is essential to the

mixed-use character of Cherry Creek and the continued attraction of a broad demographic

of visitors” (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 45). As can be derived from this quote, the

focus is economic development through attracting business services and creative

knowledge-based industries as well as small-scale meetings and conventions.

Fundamentally different than the 1981 plan, the strategy of the 2012 plan is

primarily focused on promoting economic development and growth. The 2012 plan seeks

to promote tourism through shopping, arts and culture; finance and business services

through provision of office and meeting space; and entertainment through arts, culture

and a connection to the Cherry Creek Greenway. As can clearly be drawn from this

review, the changes between the 1976 plan to the 2012 plan show how the neighborhood

planning process has shifted from providing stable residential areas, and thus focusing on

social reproduction, to providing a guide for economic development opportunities.

Though the Cherry Creek Neighborhood was a thriving retail and commercial district in

the 1970s, much as it is currently, the focus of the planning has changed to one that

actively supports continued economic development and growth, rather than residential

stability.

106

CHAPTER IV

THE CHANGING FACE OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT

The effects of globalization, the emergence of a post-industrial economy, and

neoliberal economic reforms are part of the modern economic playing field and likely are

here to stay. Technological advances in communication and connectivity, and an

increasing international flow of capital and people resulting from globalization have

brought countries, peoples, and economies closer together. Neoliberal economic reforms

have led to increased competition among cities and countries as trade barriers are

removed and new labor forces enter the market. As traditional industrial sectors of

manufacturing and agricultural production increasingly move to developing countries,

traditional industrial powers such as the United States must develop new post-industrial

economic sectors with an increasing focus on creative, knowledge-based, and commercial

and business service sectors.

As the United States continues to move towards a post-industrial economy, urban

communities feel compelled to find new ways of stimulating economic growth as

political, business, and other elite interests continue to push municipal governments to

focus on economic development in order to survive in the global marketplace. As

economic growth increasingly becomes a function of local government, these urban

growth regimes have turned towards entrepreneurial and corporate management styles,

increasing amounts of strategic planning, and innovative financing techniques to

stimulate this growth. These entrepreneurial management styles infect the local planning

and community development departments, and economic development increasingly

replaces social reproduction as the primary focus of community planning efforts.

107

By focusing on neighborhood plans completed by the City of Denver’s

Community Planning and Development Department, this study has demonstrated that

strategic economic development planning not only is the primary focus of citywide

comprehensive plans but also defines recent neighborhood planning efforts. By

investigating the planning efforts of three Denver neighborhoods, examples of a primary

focus on economic planning even at the neighborhood level have been detailed. Though

economic planning efforts continue to contain bromides geared towards traditional social

reproduction goals, these efforts are meant to be a component of an overall economic

growth strategy, and do not reflect a primary aim to stabilize residential neighborhoods

and strengthen the working class.

The City of Denver incorporates marketing and branding, the leveraging of public

infrastructure, capitalization on cultural, entertainment, and recreational amenities, and

the building of symbolic developments in neighborhood planning efforts as a means to

attract investment, growth and economic development. Through neighborhood planning

efforts, the City of Denver attempts to create a welcoming business climate and a high

quality of life to attract financial and professional service sector jobs, and the creative-

class young professionals that staff these jobs. Neighborhood planning efforts seek to

capitalize on cultural diversity, arts, historical features, and entertainment venues as a

means to strengthen tourism-centered sectors of the economy and to attract suburban

visitors, conventions, and international tourists.

The research suggests that each city and urban area copes with these changing

economic and global forces in different ways that reflect the different characteristics and

dynamics of the individual neighborhood. Each neighborhood area seeks to leverage

108

different strengths and amenities and employs different economic development actors;

just as each neighborhood area deals with unique constituencies, different community

standards, different forms of local governance, and different urban growth regimes. This

suggests there is no one standard, no one right way to stimulate economic development as

each city and each small neighborhood area plan represents a unique approach to

planning for economic growth. Many of the plans acknowledge the importance of a

healthy and stable neighborhood, and of maintaining certain equity planning measures

such as public education, parks and recreation, employment programs, job training, and

social services. In fact, as has been noted, a majority of Denver’s Neighborhoods are

considered Areas of Stability by Denver planners, which do not warrant a large amount

of effort to stimulate growth and economic development. However, through Blueprint

Denver’s (2000) mechanism of designating Areas of Change targeted for economic

growth, the study clearly shows a shift in Denver’s Community and Planning Department

towards an economic planning model, and the risks this change brings to low-income

“areas of change.”

Another conclusion suggests that planning efforts reflect contemporary public

opinion, power dynamics, and political ideology. The rise of Keynesian economics that

paralleled the professionalization of planning over the middle of the 20th century led the

pendulum of professional planning to swing towards the equity side of the spectrum

during the 1960s and 1970s. The rise of Neoliberal economic theory and the ascendency

of pro-business President Ronald Reagan and his followers over the past three plus

decades, however, has led the balance of planning efforts to swing to the economic

planning model. This swing has led to increasing entrepreneurial and corporate municipal

109

governing styles. The role of planners in the process of preparing citywide,

neighborhood, and small area plans deserves further study.

This study also concludes that planning efforts, aside from a few extreme cases

such as Norman Krumholz in Cleveland, have always followed a hybrid model. Both

generations of plans deal with both equity planning goals of social reproduction as well

as economic planning goals of stimulating economic growth. However, the later

generation of plans contain sections that go much more in depth on the subject of

economic development and growth. The effectiveness and level of success that Denver

has seen in economic development through coordinated neighborhood planning efforts

suggests that planning needs a balance of both equity and economic planning in order to

succeed. As the planning profession seeks to define the role of neighborhood and small

area plans over the next century it will be important to reflect upon these planning efforts

with an understanding of the balance between equity and economic planning.

110

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R
U N VER .S�TY

Faith-Based Organi,m1tions Engaged nn Communi1ty iEconomfic Devdopm€oi

DANIELLE DAVIS

A dissertation submitted to the faculty of Point Paik Univei5ity
in partiai fuifillment of the requirements for the deg,e&

John H. Pearson, Ph.D.
Provost

of Doctor of Philosophy in Community Engagement

Pittsburgh, PA

January 10, 2020

Approved by:

.D., Chair

�2_?:2;&;_
Dennis Frketich, Ed .. D

.aw��
Carol Wdoten, Ed.O.

@ 2020
Danielle R. Davis

Running Head: FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Faith-Based Organizations Engaged in Community Economic Development

Danielle Davis

Point Park University

Prepared and Submitted in Partial Completion of the

PhD in Community Engagement to:

Patrick M. Mulvihill, Ed. D – Chair

Dennis D. Frketich, Ed. D

Carol C. Wooten, Ed. D

January 10, 2020

ProQuest Number:

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FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Abstract

This single case study illuminates experiences, perceptions, and challenges that faith-based

organizations (FBOs) face when engaged in community economic development (CED) activities.

The findings provide insight into the nature of faith-based practitioners within various

governance structures and their ability to maintain the organizational development required to

execute strategies efficiently and effectively. The researcher studied and interpreted this

phenomenon in its natural settings (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005) to understand why there appears to

be a shortage in the capacity of FBOs to engage in CED. Three central questions guide this

study: 1) What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate in order to

effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED? 2) What perceived management challenges

do FBOs face related to the implementation of programs and services designed to contribute to

the sustainability of CED? 3) What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to

religiosity while engaged or attempting to engage in CED? The results identified sustainable

models and best practices. Utilizing an Empowerment theory, the study examined a framework

by which faith-based practitioners and organizations may be empowered to navigate the trends

and environmental influences (Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011) that determines community

economic impact. Data were collected through an organizational self-assessment and reflection

tool, demographic survey, and semi-structured interviews. Three empowerment themes emerged:

a) empowering people to engage in CED,

b) empowering communities to solve neighborhood problems, and

c) empowering regional stakeholders to address social and economic injustices on a

strategic and regional level through the implementation of policies.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 3

Keywords: Faith-Based Organizations, Community Economic Development, Leadership,

Servant Leadership, Management, Program Development, Empowerment Theory, Pittsburgh,

Capacity, Economic Development, Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Model, Universal

Church, Religion, Economy, Empowerment, Next Generation Organizations, Faith-Based

Iniatiatives, Faith Communities

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 4

Dedication

“But Jesus beheld them, and said unto them, With men this is impossible; but with God

all things are possible” (Matthew 19:26, King James Version). I dedicate this dissertation to my

family who has sacrificed much to see me cross the finish line of this doctoral journey and to

those who supported me as the first generation to pursue a terminal degree. Thank you, mom, for

enduring the times that I was unable to spend with you; grandma, for sharing how proud you are

of my perserverance; and sister, that has been an encouragement every step of the way. I love

you all very much as well as my nieces and nephews!

To my children and grandchildren, I could not have done this without you. Know that

there is a king and queen in you desiring to show forth your gifts and talents. Daughter, though

you may not see it now, queen, there is greatness in you and you will do all that you are called to

do. Son, without a test, there is no testimony, king, and the time is coming when you too will say

anything is possible. Granddaughters and grandsons, I expect great things from you. I love you.

I also dedicate this work to those faith-based practioners who find themselves in an

identity crisis between that which you do and that of who you are; this is for you too. Being an

ordained minister in the world of business and economic development has not always been easy;

I have found myself in an identity crisis for years until I engaged in this research, as with many

other men and women of faith. Remember, that to whom much is given, much is required (Luke

12:48, King James Version), and with God all things are possible.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 5

Table of Contents

List of Tables ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 7

List of Figures …………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 8

Chapter One ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 9

Problem Statement…………………………………………………………………………………………… 11

Purpose of the Study ………………………………………………………………………………………… 12

Significance of the Study ………………………………………………………………………………….. 13

Theoretical Framework …………………………………………………………………………………….. 15

Research Questions …………………………………………………………………………………………. 18

Limitations/Delimitations …………………………………………………………………………………. 18

Definition of Terms …………………………………………………………………………………………. 19

Chapter Summery ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 24

Chapter Two: Literature Review ………………………………………………………………………………….. 25

Critical Analysis ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 26

Overview of FBOs …………………………………………………………………………………………… 29

The Role of the FBO within CED ………………………………………………………………………. 42

CED: A Newer Paradigm………………………………………………………………………………….. 55

Theoretical Framework …………………………………………………………………………………….. 62

Identification of Gaps and Limitations of the Literature …………………………………………. 88

Chapter Summary ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 88

Chapter Three …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 91

Purpose of the Study ………………………………………………………………………………………… 91

Research Design ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 92

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 6

Methodology ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 96

Data Collection Methods ………………………………………………………………………………… 107

Analysis of Data ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 113

Chapter Summary ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 115

Chapter Four: Findings……………………………………………………………………………………………… 117

The Study and the Results……………………………………………………………………………….. 117

Emergent Themes from Analysis ……………………………………………………………………… 143

Engaging FBOs in CED Findings …………………………………………………………………….. 155

Chapter Summary ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 213

Chapter Five: Discussion …………………………………………………………………………………………… 215

Restatement of Purpose of the Study …………………………………………………………………. 216

Methodology ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 217

Interpretation of the Findings and Implications for Theory and Practice ………………….. 218

Discussion of Important Lessons from the Study and Their Application to Theory …… 238

Summary of Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………. 250

Appendix A: Interview Questions Modified from Assessment …………………………………………. 251

Appendix B: Is Your Organization Next Generation Self-Assessment ………………………………. 253

Appendix C: Request to Use the Next Generation Assessment ………………………………………… 256

Appendix D: Participant Demographics Characterizing Minimum Requirements ……………….. 257

Appendix E: Overview of Participant Sample……………………………………………………………….. 258

Appendix F: Demographic Informaiton for Data Collection Form ……………………………………. 259

Appendix G: Certification Page ………………………………………………………………………………….. 260

References ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 261

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 7

List of Tables

Table 1. A Framework for Transdisciplinary Teamwork ………………………………………………….. 83

Table 2. Research Questions……………………………………………………………………………………… 118

Table 3. Pseudonyms for Organizations ………………………………………………………………………. 123

Table 4. Participants by Roles within Organizations ……………………………………………………… 125

Table 5. Next Generartion Organizations’ Nine Key Traits – Analytic Codes ……………………. 131

Table 6. Next Generation Organization Interview Questions and Protocol ………………………… 132

Table 7. Matrix for Interview Questions ……………………………………………………………………… 134

Table 8. FBO Leaders’ Perceptions on What Stakeholders do to Engage in CED and Why …. 172

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 8

List of Figures

Figure 1. Theoretical Framework ………………………………………………………………………………….. 63

Figure 2. Flow Chart of the Pilot Study ………………………………………………………………………… 103

Figure 3. Hierarchy of Strategic Intent…………………………………………………………………………. 129

Figure 4. NVivo Word Cloud …………………………………………………………………………………….. 139

Figure 5. Shelbyville Word Frequency List …………………………………………………………………… 145

Figure 6. Shelbyville Word Frequency with Stemmed Words ………………………………………….. 147

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 9

Chapter One

Faith-based organizations (FBOs) were once among the greatest champions for anti-

poverty movements such as Community Economic Development (CED) and possess economic

policy criteria for sustainability. As cited by Shin et al. (2011), “Urban community development

workers from faith-based organisations have a long history that can be traced back to volunteer

groups such as the Catholic Worker Movement, which was founded in 1933” (Forest, n.d.).

Possession of these ecomonic policies for FBOs, according to Underwood, Hackney, and

Friesner (2015), suggests they have ecosystems to provide a continuous flow of resources,

community centeredness to create employment, and institutional legitimacy where members

within a community may benefit from economic development. Other research suggests workers

of FBOs have additional neworks and unique dimensions of support, and that FBOs as faith

“communities” have unique resources for economic development that are viable institutions

within the inner city (Reese, 2004; Shin et al., 2011).

Though they have unique benefits, FBOs’ ability to thrive and survive is contingent upon

how relevant they are to today’s society (Brinckerhoff, 1999; Roozen, 2015). Nechako (2014)

defines CED as “an inclusive and participatory process by which communities initiate and

generate their own multiple bottom-line solutions to economic problems” (p. 1). CED and other

anti-poverty efforts continue to be a national, regional, and local concern to FBOs, politicians,

leaders, and community members. Highlighting the experiences, perceptions, and challenges

encountered by FBOs in CED illuminates historical content that may affect future development

in the greater Pittsburgh region. The findings of this study serve as a reference point for how

different types of FBOs are empowered to engage and sustain CED efforts. They increase the

reader’s awareness of opportunities for FBOs through the development of leadership,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 10

organizational processes, and management systems. At the same time, results explain the current

and previous positions of FBOs in CED movements and the effects an environmental trend has

on their operations.

Simon (2002) describes the CED movement as one fueled by the tendency toward

decentralizing public administration, channeling the development of local markets, and

encouraging changes in the contours of urban politics. He explains how it, as a grassroots affair,

influences new strategies by neighborhood activists through a network of large-scale efforts. Past

efforts of FBOs, universities, and community organizations include: (a) training, (b) technical

assistance, (c) capacity building, (d) networking, e) applied research, and (f) professional

development (Principles of Community Development, 1996; The Department of Communities

and Local Government, 2017).

Using strategies and complex processes like CED increases the quality of life for a

geographically defined place, where people interact through important activities, and functions to

serve its residents (Gallardo, 2015). To explain the difference between community development

and CED, Gallardo (2015) presents community development as “people planning to change a

specific situation in their communities,” while CED is a “process that allows residents to

mobilize and build assets to improve their quality of life in a sustainable way” (p. 3). He goes on

to argue that for CED to be effective there is a need to identify solutions and deploy resources

and programs where multiple players get involved to sustain the efforts, including FBOs.

Equally important, the previous CED movement involved experiential efforts focusing on

urban renewal and redevelopment. Newer initiatives perhaps are results from FBOs’ reactions to

previous failures from the movement (Haber, 2016; Simon, 2002). During the Clinton

administration, which embraced efforts like CED concerning the War on Poverty, some

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 11

communities and FBOs were able to get federal funding. The funding was for large-scale public

and private investment, social services, and physical improvements (Simon, 2002). Although

CED definitions, funding, and movements changed over the years, FBOs remained engaged.

However, since CED’s emergence in the 1960s it has always been a strategy to address economic

disadvantage, especially for black Americans (Clay, Jr. & Jones, 2009; Haber, 2016). As new

generations engage in these initiatives, it is unclear whether FBOs still hold true to their

convictions about CED as an initiative “to fight homelessness, lack of jobs, drug abuse, violence

and crime, and to provide quality child care and medical care as well as homeownership

opportunities” (Clay, Jr. & Jones, 2009, p. 1). Perhaps FBOs have concentrated on a subset of

these primary areas, since CED also is a response to “other quality-of life-matters needed for

human existence” (Clay, Jr. & Jones, 2009, p. 1). A common argument is that there is a

contemporary CED movement focused on market-based principles to stimulate communities.

Some FBOs may believe there are greater outcomes in activities that do not include

redevelopment.

Problem Statement

Prior to this study, evidence suggested that FBOs in the greater Pittsburgh region

minimally engaged in CED due to a lack of capacity and systematic constraints arising from

religious affiliation. Faith communities’ discouragement of economic inclusion partially resulted

from the political landscape with limited outcomes from CED initiatives. Further, research shows

FBOs can make an impact through CED initiatives because there remains a need for resources,

access to funding, and aid to the underserved (Wallace, Myers, & Holley, 2004). If faith

communities do not currently have the tools to reduce discrimination as well as revitalize and

empower communities through CED, then how can efforts be sustained to “reconnect the vision

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 12

and goals of the local government to the preferences and opinions of the stakeholder” (Purnsley,

2017, p. vi).

Purpose of the Study

This study’s intent is to empower FBOs and practitioners engaged or willing to engage in

CED in the greater Pittsburgh region. Research shows that many FBOs struggle to engage in

CED due to a lack of experience, capacity, and skills in leadership and management, resulting

from religious ideologies, political landscapes, insufficient resources, and an inability to

demonstrate impact. If these organizations understood how to position their personnel and

operations in a way that would sustain their CED efforts, more might participate, and those that

currently do may become more efficacious. This means it could help to improve communities in

need. Using organizational development (OD) practices such as the Next Generation

Organization may help FBOs transition with today’s trends and environmental influences. By

identifying FBOs’ experiences, challenges, and perceived tangible barriers while engaged in

CED activities, it may uncover best practices, models, and processes for practitioners,

communities, and the individuals they serve.

Past studies indicate possible reasons for the shortage of FBOs in this field:

administrative cost, federal funding, staffing, resources, characteristics, typologies, decline in

attendance, and changes in organizational structure (Mitchell, 2016; Roozen, 2015; Sloan &

Grizzle, 2014). Mitchell (2016) notes that, “They make up one of the largest cohorts of

organizations in providing community and health services around the globe” (p. 58). An

“analysis by Clarke and Ware recognizes that FBOs are understood in a wide variety of ways in

the development literature” (Mitchell, 2016, p. 58). In 2018, there is anecdotal evidence that

shows FBOs currently engage in grassroots CED activities. Research focuses on efforts around

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 13

the development of housing, job preparation, business opportunities, and feeding programs for

low-income people (Simon, 2002). Extensive research on the role of FBOs (Bielefeld &

Cleveland, 2013; Reese, 2004; Wallace et. al, 2004) has revealed that critics of public welfare

claim that religiously based services provide a number of benefits over secularly run programs;

where are the FBOs in today’s CED movements?

This study provides objectivity as to why FBOs’ involvement in CED is important, as it

also helps in combatting inequalities and anti-poverty initiatives. FBOs often go beyond charity

to meet the economic, social, physical, and spiritual needs of the individuals and families that, in

turn, strengthens communities. Much of this is due to the leadership’s decisions. Perhaps what

Gallardo (2015) shared is true, that “with committed leaders and a clear vision of where the

community wants and needs to be, CED can move communities forward in a comprehensive

way” (p. 2). The study provides insight into the nature of FBOs and their leaders, operating

within various governance structures, and the challenges they perceive by engaging in this

manner, including religiosity and lack of leadership or management experience.

Significance of the Study

FBOs are in a unique position to provide community aid because many of them have

existed within the community for many years, allowing them to observe changes and “felt” needs

of their members through engagement with constituents over time (Sanders, 2012; Wallace,

Myers, & Holley, 2004). However, much of the literature looking at FBOs’ programs and service

activities focuses not only on these long-standing community ties, but on larger-scale

development. Furthermore, these studies typically focus on “charitable assistance, relief and

social services” (Lunn, 2009, p. 943) as opposed to activities that support CED. Moreover, recent

studies on FBOs’ involvement in CED are broad in scope, examining international and national

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 14

impact rather than focusing on granularity (Guyadeen & Seasons, 2018; Lunn, 2009; The Annie

E. Casey Foundation, 2006). Consequently, as a case study the researcher chose to examine the

specific CED activities and challenges faced by FBOs in the greater Pittsburgh area.

In the greater Pittsburgh region, which includes the City of Pittsburgh and Allegheny

County, many community and economic development initiatives have increased over the past

couple of years. These two separate political units in Western Pennsylvania (Our Origins, 2017)

are working together on many programs and initiatives to educate, train, and advocate for the

constituents. Many of these strategies relate to employment, land bank properties, home

ownership, gentrification, and dislocation of families due to redevelopment throughout the

region. Several of these initiatives are associated with FBOs. The faith-based practitioner’s

engagement activities may range from serving on committees, leading community development

efforts, and advocating for policy changes, to providing programs and training. Furthermore,

numerous new initiatives have emerged from non-political entities such as community

development corporations, foundations, and FBOs. A number of them include efforts toward

engaging with younger generations to prevent gaps and keep up with the trends and

environmental changes.

Cornelius and Wolfred (2011) suggest there are major trends and environmental

influences demanding that organizations embody new ways of pursuing mission impact,

articulate their effectiveness to others, and be more sophisticated in utilizing management tools

and leadership strategies. These trends include those which take place in the economy and

political arena such as inclusivity, power changes, and advocacy for equality (The Department of

Communities and Local Government, 2017). Some other environmental influences include

concerns about potential impacts on program spending, percentage of budget spent on missions

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 15

or religious activities, and long-term financial decisions (Sloan & Grizzle, 2014). Consequently,

the researcher found a need to examine FBOs from an organizational development perspective to

understand this phenomenon.

By illuminating the experiences, perceptions, and challenges that FBOs face when

engaged in CED activities, this study may assist policymakers, foundations, and other

stakeholders in larger economic plans for the greater Pittsburgh region. Providing data on FBOs

could demonstrate traits that can assist with the next generation of economic planning. It can also

help to improve practices within the field. This study as a whole deepens one’s ability to

understand the nature of FBOs and how leadership, management, and religiosity aid in

sustainable CED. According to Mayor Bill Peduto, through the Pittsburgh p4 Initiative, an

objective is to “drive economic prosperity through equitable development that generates wealth

and ownership position” (Four Performance Measures Report, 2016, p. 13). This may be an

opportunity for FBOs to get involved, for those that are not already.

Theoretical Framework

Essentially, the theoretical basis of CED is empowerment, and from the perspective of

FBOs, it is largely dependent on specific economic or societal capital being available for creating

or sustaining local initiatives. The research on FBOs is comprised of theories and models that

offer development strategies and illustrate empowerment processes relevant to that which

supports leadership and management needs for potential engagement in CED. The three models

provide theoretical frameworks related to CED: holistic faith-based development, servant

leadership, and faith-based management with empowerment as a thread.

To that end, the researcher chose the Empowerment Theory as the overarching

framework with which to analyze the data and help answer the research questions. The related

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 16

concepts, assumptions, and generalizations used explain the current phenomenon of FBOs’

engagement in CED (Roberts, 2010). Zimmerman (2003) describes the concept as an approach

to intervene and bring about social change through an ability to adapt on various levels, where

the practitioner’s plans do not impose on the community. The theory distinguishes the differences

between empowering processes and outcomes, provides sample mechanisms of empowerment to

increase individual competencies and proactive behaviors, explains natural helping systems and

its relationship to organizational effectiveness, and increases community competence and access

to resources (Zimmerman, 2003).

The Empowerment Theory framework used in this study briefly incorporates the theory

with that of FBOs, leadership, and management, similar to the Holistic Faith-Based

Development Model. This model is a tool for describing the theory of holistic faith-based

development and a conceptual map for those who desire to engage in such activities (Wallace et.

al, 2004). The model is intentional about “developing strategies to minister holistically to the

human, economic, and community development needs of individuals and families both within

and outside their congregations” (Wallace et. al, 2004, p. 2). It was important to use this model

since, according to Wallace et. al (2004), it “is based on the belief that holistically healthy

individuals and families are the backbone of holistically healthy faith-based organizations

and…neighborhoods and broader communities” (p. 12). The model provides processes that may

reduce challenges to engaging in anti-poverty efforts such as CED (Wallace et. al, 2004).

Based on the work of Wallace, Myers, and Holley (2004), the researcher used a

qualitative research design utilizing the Empowerment Theory and model, adapted to fit a faith-

based perspective to examine CED. It may help to determine CED outcomes and “practices

driven by community goals” because, according to Dyal-Chand and Rowan (2014), these

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 17

“practitioners focus on the question of how best to alleviate poverty and produce local economic

development by creating a means of sustainable income for people below the poverty line” (p.

867). The Annie E. Casey Foundation (2006) explains that this “model presents a framework

where faith-based organizations are uniquely equipped to transform individual lives and entire

communities” (p. 7).

The Leadership Theory assists with levels of analysis regarding the effectiveness of the

leader or practitioners to influence change and empower others. The combination of theories

indicates how certain activities using the resources, skills, and power of a community may

produce valuable outputs and outcomes (Co-operatives UK, 2018). Lastly, the Management

Theory explains how organizations as systems require a level of efficiency, which often is

experienced through a holistic approach that includes an ability to adapt, empower staff and

volunteers, and work toward a shared vision (Wallace et. al, 2004). Managing adaptively could

improve organizational effectiveness and assist in using an asset-based approach with individuals

like with the CED Change Theory, and again reduce the complexities of engaging in such a way

(Auspos & Caba, 2014; Co-operatives UK, 2018).

The study contains, as recommended by Roberts (2010), reviews of the theories and the

conceptual framework appropriate from experts in these fields. The concepts include processes

by which people gain control over their lives, leaders that transform environments through

service, and the importance of having managerial competencies. Other theories mentioned in the

study act as filtering tools to guide data collection, analysis, and interpretation of findings

(Roberts, 2010). CED is already a complex process; adding variables related to FBOs makes it

even more intricate. Understanding the thoughts of diverse theorists may influence CED

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 18

practitioners, FBOs, and policymakers to consider other frameworks when measuring

effectiveness and performance of programs and services.

Research Questions

This qualitative study explores FBOs that are engaging, have engaged, and or want to

engage in CED using a holistic faith-based perspective. A focus is on the organization as a whole

which includes the leadership, as in those running the organization, management, as in the day-

to-day policies and practices, and the implications of religiosity while engaging in economic

development activities. Three central questions guide this study:

1) What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate in order to

effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED?

2) What perceived management challenges do FBOs face related to the implementation

of programs and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED?

3) What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to religiosity while

engaged or attempting to engage in CED?

Limitations/Delimitations

Though the following limitations exist, this study and the chosen methodology highlight

the experiences, perceptions, and challenges that FBOs face when engaged in CED activities—

assuming this phenomenon is explainable. According to Bryant (2004), “it is important to

identify delimitations and limitations” because it may help others assess the quality of the study

and possibly pattern future studies (p. 57). The author defines delimitations as the factors that

prevent the researcher from claiming the findings as true for all situations, which limits the

relevancy to other populations or individuals. Bryant (2004) explains that the limitations pertain

to any restrictions that apply to the methodology used to gather and analyze data.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 19

A delimitation of this study is that the unit of analysis is limited to FBOs engaged in or

previously engaged in CED events, projects, and initiatives within the greater Pittsburgh region.

Only organizational decision makers, their employees, and those they referred participated in the

study on their behalf. The organizational and government structures vary as well as the number

of employees, members, and those served. The results will only account for organizations “that

matched the selection criteria established for the study” (Roberts, 2010, p. 138); therefore,

findings are not generalizable to all FBOs in all cities or regions of the world.

A limitation to this study is the organizations that have engaged in CED initiatives on a

short-term basis with minimal documentation or recollection of experience to support their

efforts. This affects the study because it does not provide enough support to determine the

relevance of the study. As with any research project, the reliability and validity are contingent

upon evidence. Interviews, demographic surveys and a document analysis captured the evidence

in this case. Therefore, the researcher sought to understand the fullness of how each site selected

has been engaged in CED and requested data to support that engagement.

Definition of Terms

For the purpose of this study, it is important to explore and explain a variety of working

definitions and key terms. Defined are the following terms: capacity, capacity strategy, CED,

economics, economic development, economic development activities, empowerment,

empowering processes, Empowerment Theory, felt needs, innovation, next generation

organization, OD, organizational mission, organizational resources, program, religiosity, self-

actualization needs, social needs, strategic management, strategic planning, and strategy.

Capacity, as defined by Williams (as cited in Eisinger, 2002), is “a set of attributes that

help or enable an organization to fulfill its missions” (p. 2). Defined by Light (as cited in Worth,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 20

2017) it is “everything an organization uses to achieve its mission, from desks and chairs to

programs and people” (p. 187). Hudson divides capacity (as cited in Worth, 2017) into “internal

and external elements” (p. 187). He further explains that building an organization’s capacity is

about systematically investing in developing internal systems (e.g., people, processes, and

infrastructure) and external relations (e.g., with funders, partners, and volunteers) so it can

realize its mission and achieve greater impact (Worth, 2017, p. 187). Capacity strategy “is an

operation with the right facilities to produce the needed output at the right time” (Eisinger, 2002,

p. 449).

CED, as defined by the North Carolina Community Development Initiative, “is a tool that

enables individuals and communities that may otherwise be at the margins of society to help

themselves up the ladder of opportunity to greater levels of self-sufficiency” (para. 2). Soifer,

Pickering-Bernheim, Costa, and McNeely (2014) define it as the practice of revitalizing the

economic, physical, and social infrastructures and networks of a specific low-income community

or set of neighborhoods. The authors explain that it “includes input and direction from the

affected residents, thus (empowering both the individuals and institutions within the

geographically defined area” (p. 7). Based on Soifer, Pickering-Bernheim, Costa, and McNeely’s

(2014) work, it “benefits residents of that community” and “makes sure that various

discretionary practices are avoided in the work” (p. 7).

Economics, according to Certo (2003), is “the science that focuses on understanding how

people of a particular community or nation produce, distribute, and use various goods and

services” (p. 171). More specifically, economy is defined as “consisting of two groups—

households and firms—that interact in two markets: the goods and services market in which

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 21

firms sell and households buy and the labor market in which households sell labor to business

firms or other employees” (Taylor & Greenlaw, 2014, p. 24).

Economic development is defined by some as “the expansion of capacities that contribute

to the advancement of society through the realization of individual, firm and community

potential” (Feldman, Hadjimichael, Kemeny, & Lanahan, p. 12, 2014). Phillips and Pittman (as

cited in Lyon, 2015) suggest it is “An activity and or investment that leads to increasing a

community’s or region’s economic base through job creation or retention” (p. 71).

Economic development activities focus at the individual and family level on increasing

people’s financial knowledge, power, and resources; at the organizational level for churches are

the tithes, offerings, and pledges of its members; and at the neighborhood level and beyond is the

line of businesses (Wallace et. al, 2004, p. 1). Some of the most common activities are “business

operations, housing, and training and job services mixed with other social services” (Reese,

2004, p. 52).

Empowerment, as defined by Zimmerman (as cited in Wallace et. al, 2004), is

multidimensional, describing both a value orientation for action and a theoretical framework for

organizing and developing knowledge (p. 7). The Holistic Empowerment Theory adapted by

Wallace et. al fits a faith-based perspective and examines the processes by which people of faith,

their organizations, and their neighborhoods gain control over their lives and the outcomes of

empowering processes (2004, p. 7). Empowering processes are the mechanisms by which people,

FBOs, and neighborhoods become empowered (Wallace et. al, 2004, p. 7). Zimmerman (2003)

explains, “The value orientation of empowerment suggests goals, aims, and strategies for

implementing change. Empowerment theory provides principles and a framework for organizing

our knowledge” (p. 43).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 22

Felt needs, as defined by Yang (2003), are perceived by individuals experiencing a

problem. Perkins (1993) suggests that felt needs differ with each person and place, but

incorporate a need to belong, be significant and important, and have a reasonable amount of

security. Kramer describes them (as cited in McMahon, 1970) as “what people with problems

recognize as the elements necessary to improve their situations” (p. 26). They are about people’s

“own perceptions about their needs” (Juan, 2013, p. 13).

Innovation, as defined by Certo (2003), “is the process of taking useful ideas and turning

them into useful products, services, or methods of operation” (p. 514). Palmer, Dunfer, and Akin

(2009) write that it “refers to the encouragement of creativity” (p. 140).

Next generation organizations are “a description of certain behavioral characteristics and

organizational practices in non-profits that are adapting to the changing environment” (Cornelius

& Wolfred, 2011). The next generation organizational assessment is a tool to determine whether

an organization has the characteristics.

OD is the process that emphasizes changes in an organization by changing its members

and bases these changes on an overview of structure, technology, and all other organizational

ingredients (Certo, 2003, p. 287). Organizational mission “is the purpose for which, or the reason

why, an organization exists” (Certo, 2003, p. 174). Organizational resources “are all assets

available for activation during normal operations; they include human resources, monetary

resources, raw materials resources, and capital resources” (Certo, 2003, p. 8). Organizations

sometimes seen as political arenas and agents, experience both internal conflict and players

operating on a field crammed with competitors pursuing their own interests (Bolman & Deal,

2013, p. 226). They also are “powerful tools for achieving the purposes of whoever calls the

shots, as agents they operate in complex ecosystems—interdependent networks of organizations

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 23

engaged in related activities and occupying particular niches…business, public policy, business-

government, and society” (Bolman & Deal, 2013, p. 226).

Program is “a single-use plan designed to carry out a special project in an organization

that, if accomplished, will contribute to the organization’s long-term success” (Certo, 2003, p.

196). Rogers et al. (as cited in Harden, 2006) write, “Program theory approach is seen as ‘an

explicit theory or model of how the program causes the intended or observed outcomes and an

evaluation that is at least partly guided by this model’” (p. 483).

Bergan and McConatha’s definition of religiosity (as cited in Holdcroft, 2006) is “a

number of dimensions associated with religious beliefs and involvement” (p. 91). Holdcroft

(2006) provides synonyms that are often used to describe religiosity, but for the purposes of this

paper the researcher considered a few such as religiousness, faith, belief, devotion, and holiness.

Self-actualization needs “are Maslow’s fifth, and final, set of human needs—reflecting

the human desire to maximize personal potential” (Certo, 2003, p. 359). Social needs “are

Maslow’s third set of human needs—reflecting the human desires to belong, including longings

for friendship, companionship, and love” (Certo, 2003, p. 358).

Strategic management is “an integrated approach to managing the organization that is

based on the strategic plan and includes the entire cycle of strategy formulation, implementation,

and evaluation (Worth, 2017, p. 173). Strategic planning, as defined by Certo (2003), “is long-

range planning that focuses on the organization as a whole” (p. 182). It is also described by

Worth (2017) as “more than a strategy” which “begins where the organization is, defines some

new place where it wants to be, and develops a plan to get there, all in the context of its mission

and values and the realities of the environment in which it operates” (p. 172).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 24

Certo (2003) defines strategy as “a broad and general plan developed to reach long-term

organizational objectives; it is the end result of strategic planning” (p. 168). Whereas, strategy

formulation is defined as “the process of determining appropriate courses of action for achieving

organizational objectives and thereby accomplishing organizational purpose…tools include

SWOT analysis” (Certo, 2003, p. 176).

For the purpose of this paper, sustainability—a common term used in the area of

development—“refers to engaging in practices that result in availability of resources, services,

and quality of life for future generations” (Gallardo, 2015, p. 2).

Chapter Summary

Many organizations, businesses, and government agencies are involved in CED

initiatives including FBOs. Determining if this is true for the greater Pittsburgh region may

strengthen the likelihood of further equitable development as recommended by practitioners,

foundations, and urban planners. CED will improve the conditions of residents, leaders, and

neighborhoods through the introduction to best practices, tools, and resources. It increases the

capacity of the organizations by empowering them through partnerships, government funding,

and skilled workers. This study may help practitioners to develop, refine, and realize the visions

of FBOs (Wallace et. al, 2004) and their leaders. This is achieved through empowering

organizations for successful outcomes by providing current data to support their efforts, access to

strategies and or models, and resources. FBOs may increase their engagement if they are

empowered to operate effectively and efficiently.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 25

Chapter Two: Literature Review

The researcher assessed books, peer-reviewed articles, journals, and other sources about

faith-based organizations (FBOs), leadership, empowerment, management, and community

economic development (CED). The literature referenced through searches from the researcher’s

university, local libraries’ databases, and online search engines such as Google Scholar informs

this chapter. The five sections of the review include: (1) the emergence of FBOs, (2) the role of

FBOs within communities, (3) CED, (4) theoretical framework, and (5) identification of gaps

and limitations of literature. Section four’s discussion of how engagement advances from

organizational performance in CED examines the concept of empowerment within three theories:

(a) servant leadership, (b) faith-based management, and (c) the holistic faith-based empowerment

model.

The chapter explains the nature and importance of the phenomenon studied and the gaps

and limitations found. The literature cited supports the theoretical argument made and establishes

the author’s understanding of the major ideas and findings pertaining to the topics. It

incorporates a discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of the theories in previous studies and

builds upon the materials. As stated by Creswell (2014), “this process helped to determine

whether the topic was worth studying and provided insight into ways to limit the scope of

inquiry” (p. 57). These steps assisted in identifying common threads of other studies such as the

concept of empowerment, provided a framework for establishing the importance of this study

and benchmarks for comparison, and led into the methods of study (Creswell, 2014).

By performing the review, the researcher discovered that the history of FBOs in the areas

of politics, community organizing, advocacy, and supporting lower wealth communities is just

part of their engagement in economic development locally and abroad. It suggests that FBOs

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 26

engaged in CED approaches previously focused on economic development in neighborhoods

utilizing a process of community building (Cordero-Guzmán & Auspos, 2006). Watson (2012)

explains, “FBOs can make contributions to society at large, including social concerns that

American society” face” (p. 18). While this is important, there was also a need to perform a

critical analysis of literature to support the study.

Critical Analysis

Existing literature on CED and FBOs integrates many of the variables that are present in

the research questions and the study. The variables include leadership, management, and

religiosity, and the literature includes primary, secondary, and major works. The analysis

examines where the variables intersect relative to engaging in CED and where potential patterns

exist, such as basic assumptions, perceptions, differences in worldviews, challenges, and

governance, that can serve as either advantages or disadvantages (Biebricher, 2011; Vidal, 2001)

to the implementation of initiatives. It reveals that with the trends and environmental influences

affecting the demands placed on non-profit organizations (Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011),

including those that are secular (Biebricher, 2011), it is important for FBOs to measure their

impact and justify their existence (Parkinson, 2006), especially if pursuing external funding.

Research on non-profits and FBOs shows the existence of environmental influences

which put pressure on organizational performance, impact, and strategy (Anderson, 2016;

Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011). Some of these include variables such as a lack of vested interest

from others, a shortage in funding, the size or impact of the organization, location, struggles with

communication to stakeholders, and an inability to demonstrate capacity to provide programs

and or services (Anderson, 2016; Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011). Other data suggest that the size of

the FBOs could also determine the impact of federal funds as it relates to the successes and

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 27

failures in addressing community issues (Lampkin & Raghavan, 2008; Vidal’s, 2001). Better

positioned to conduct the kind of urban ministry that focuses on development and has a greater

impact are the larger congregations (Vidal, 2001). Likewise, Biebricher (2011) argues that

smaller FBOs may not have the capacity to enter into the “3Ps”—Public-Private Partnership—

due to an inability to “identify funding opportunities, write proposals, manage multiple funding

streams, report their activities to funders, and deliver the social service programs” (Devita &

Wilson, 2001, p. 1008). Lilly’s (2013) publication considers how “Locating places to serve in

one’s community can seem like a daunting task,” and that the “church will have a more

meaningful impact if the partnerships that are developed are strategic…through a ‘laser’ focus

instead of a ‘shotgun’ approach” (p. 15).

The content analysis illuminated key strategies and themes and explained previously

hidden issues that can be avoided by FBOs in future practice (Mills, Durepos, & Wiebe, 2010),

especially as it relates to government initiatives. A majority of the recent literature refers to

government-related practices and initiatives such as President Bush’s first executive order of

establishing the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives at the White House in 2008

(Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013; Chand & Patterson, 2007; Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011; Kramer et

al., 2002; Vital, 2001). Some literature introduces other trends affecting CED such as funds

directed to revitalizing distressed regions for job creation, economic development, and the

development of small business enterprises (The White House, 2008). With these trends, there

also follows innovative ideas and an evolving interest around the topic of FBOs’ engagement in

CED both locally and nationally.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 28

The Emergence of FBOs

FBO engagement in CED activities is not a new approach to reducing poverty and

establishing movements to help those in need (Anglin, 2004; Bradley, 2009; Cordero-Guzmán &

Auspos, 2006; Lunn, 2009; Reese, 2004; Sanders, 2013; Schneider, 2012; Vidal, 2001; Wallace

et al., 2004). Literature does seem to suggest that over the years, these institutionalized religious

or congregational systems’ involvement decreased or became limited to certain activities rather

than to approaches that include the “community” aspect of economic development (Sanders,

2013; Schneider, 2012). Though there are several examples of successful faith-based CED

initiatives, Reese and Clamp (2000) also note, “There are many issues and pulls on community

leaders and congregations that can make it difficult to decide on where and how to begin a faith-

based community economic development (CED) initiative” (p. 5).

However, CED as an approach or strategy to solving economic woes is a direct result of

both the advocacy of faith-based leaders such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the federal

government. This is important to know because as Bezdek (2018) expresses, “Large systemic

injustices continually reproduce the oppression, subordination, and disempowerment of low-

income communities and communities of color, in particular, imposing mass incarceration,

inequitable educational opportunities, and the persistence of poverty wages” (p. 20). Clay and

Jones (2009) explain how previous movements, political strategies, and initiatives of FBOs “led

to the enactment of the Economic Opportunity Act (EOA) and the Community Action Program

(CAP) to assist with the War on Poverty in the 1960s” (p. 260). An overarching goal of CED

initiatives as well as FBOs is to discern and respond to the pressing needs of the community

(Reese & Clamp, 2000).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 29

The issue is that a significant amount of literature on FBOs today does not reflect a

holistic approach such as CED to empower community members but focuses instead on isolated

services for individuals. Recent literature focuses on activities such as job seeker services,

financial literacy programs, spiritual growth assistance, and influencing service in vulnerable

populations (Noyes, 2009). During certain political eras in the past, articles and literature focused

on strengthening the capacity of these organizations to engage in CED and government

initiatives such as the Charitable Choice, Welfare to Work, and social service programs

(Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013; Clerkin & Grønbjerg, 2007; Kyle, 2004). Limited current

evidence supports the need for such organizations and engagement in CED, which is why the

following is a historical review of the emergence of FBOs.

Overview of FBOs

As with other organizations, it is important to take a holistic perspective in researching

FBOs, which are defined as a “separately organized and administered entity established…to

perform a specific ministry, program, or service” (Wittberg, 2012, p. 541). Faith communities

supporting specific FBOs are usually associated with either a religious entity, national beliefs, or

denominational structures within a geographical area (Schneider, 2012). They consist of

networks of individuals connected to a particular mission such as CED due to their personal

beliefs (Schneider, 2012). FBOs and religious institutions play a major role in society; this

network of support is critical, especially in low-income communities (Reese & Clamp, 2002).

Schneider (2012) explains that ignoring faith community-specific culture and structures leads to

missed aspects of support systems for FBOs created to address community needs.

Despite the religious affiliation, FBOs have engaged in CED with a goal of fighting

poverty and inequality from the bottom-up through an under-theorized concept called

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 30

empowerment (Haber, 2016). This community-controlled approach includes activities that foster

capacity building, increased employment, entrepreneurship and small business, access to

resources, affordable housing, and that which contributes to urban redevelopment (Haber, 2016).

Through a sustainable theoretical framework, FBOs may successfully increase engagement in

economic efforts, empowering not only the organization but also those they serve: their staff,

volunteers, and communities.

To understand the phenomenon of FBOs engaged in CED, one must examine the

strengths and weaknesses of such organizations, as in what strategies and techniques

practitioners use and why. There are no set one-size-fits-all approaches for FBOs as they vary in

age groups, gender, race, nationality, and styles of culture (Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013). They

can include schools, restaurants, bookstores, retail properties, secondhand facilities, hospitals,

automotive dealers, universities, and private organizations. FBOs differ in hierarchical structure,

bureaucratic procedures, sizes, and missions. With the Social Gospel Movement, many chose to

secularize to remain competitive and meet community needs for government funding, respond to

market forces, and respond to crisis (Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013). There should be an

examination of characteristics including how faith, mission, and proven management concepts

and ideas serve as tools for action. The research provides arguments both for and against FBOs’

effectiveness in their approaches to offering programs and services, their participation in for-

profit activities, and their role in CED.

Characteristics and Typologies

Several characteristics, typologies, qualities, and key terms describe faith communities.

FBOs such as para churches, faith-based service providers, congregations, houses of worship,

religious institutions, charities, and even social service organizations generally have attributes

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 31

and characteristics in common (Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013; Vidal, 2001; Wallace, Myers, &

Holley, 2004). According to Bielefeld and Cleveland (2013), they may have a more modern

framework than in times past because this allows them to work with governments and

differentiate themselves from the places of worship and religious affiliations.

What they have in common is what Purnsley (2017) characterizes as group-based belief

systems, opportunity roles structures, support systems, and forms of leadership that are all

intraorganizational processes of organizational empowerment. These group-based belief systems

termed by Lunn (2009) have three distinctions: religion, spirituality, and faith. Support systems

and social networks may have low, medium, and high influences on religious practices (Bielefeld

& Cleveland, 2013). On a broader level, Sanders (2012) exclaims, “the church’s (which may be

deemed a group-based belief system) desire to engage in activities is driven by their theological

beliefs and as an outreach effort into the community to draw more residents to Christ” (pp. 94-

95).

Some FBOs or faith communities are well known for their denomination affiliation,

religiosity, and or investment and offerings. Wallace et al. (2004) illustrate how “African

American congregations are significantly more likely than white congregations to be located in

poor communities and likely to provide services that meet the needs of the poor” (p. 2). Other

characteristics include the ability to assist with skill building, meeting physical and spiritual

needs, providing training and practical assistance, performing work that enriches the lives of

families, transforming communities, and lots of volunteerism (Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013).

They are often associated with engagement beyond social service, as in civic engagement, social

justice, trust, advocacy, asset building, preventive care, needs assessment, and mobilizing

communities for calls to action (Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 32

FBOs being characterized as opportunity role structures, according to Purnsley (2017),

“refers to chances for all members to engage in meaningful roles at varying levels of the

organization” (p. 976). Sanders (2012) states, “clergy with a social mission or ‘this worldly’

theology are more likely to be engaged in social issues and, hence more likely to participate in

community and economic development activities that address social issues” (p. 134). Another

example of this is the Youth-Adult Partnership (Y-AP) engagement model, which, as explained

by Wu, Kornbluh, Weiss, and Roddy (2016), offers youth diverse and meaningful roles as

council members, leaders, or program representatives. This is one form of empowerment.

Purnsley (2017) defines a support system as “the degree to which organizational members

provide and receive emotional and other types of support” (p. 976). Qehaja, Kutllovci, and Pula

(2017) advise that there is strategic‑level support tools found in these systems. They can range

from understanding a concept to Haber’s (2016) description of grassroots movements such as the

Black Power movement that pushed for economic self-determination, community control over

local governmental functions, direct democracy, and cooperative living.

The last of Purnsley’s (2017) characteristics explored in detail is leadership. Maton and

Salem (as cited in Forenza, 2016) define it as another component of intraorganizational

empowerment and a process that facilitates empowerment through (a) the action of a leader and

(b) a leader’s effect on organizational members. Wilke and Speer (2011) define it as “the

qualities of key individuals in a setting and their ability to empower members,” and much of the

research supports their perspective (p. 976).

A theological uniqueness found regarding FBOs includes typologies. Bielefeld and

Cleveland’s (2013) typologies of FBOs fall within three major assessment categories: (a)

organizational control through funding resources and decision making processes, (b) self-

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 33

identification within participation and outcome measures, and (c) program implementation that

incorporates the selection of services, integration of religious elements, and participation in

religious activities. Sidon and Unruh (as cited in Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013), use terms such as

faith-permeated, faith-center, faith-affiliated, faith background, faith-secular partnership, and

secular to describe influence levels of FBOs. They further describe organizational control as an

influence of personnel selection, financial support, and expressions of faith. Furthermore,

research suggests that environment and religious content influence programs. Typologies of

one’s faith or religion are expressed through imagery, prayer, values, regular activities, cultures,

ideas, and ways members connect. Lunn (2009) distinguishes religion as an institutionalized

system of beliefs and practices, spirituality as the personal beliefs that relate to a supernatural

phenomenon, and faith as the human trust in a transcendent reality. The next section explores

religion as a concept.

Religiosity and the FBOs

According to Brinckerhoff (1999), “It doesn’t matter if the faith behind the mission is

obvious from the name or not. What matters is that the faith was there at the

beginning…throughout its growth and development, and…the actions and policies of the

organization today” (p. 4). Brinckerhoff (1999) defines faith-based as “one that is closely aligned

with a religious faith or denomination of a faith” (p. 3). The United States Federal Registry

(2017) researchers perceive that “Religious faith, in its many expressions, is a key aspect of

American life and culture” (p. 49300). Some people may be surprised that there are schools,

hospitals, shelters, financial institutions, and many more structures that have a religious

affiliation. Historically, these organizations were influential not only in communities but also

through a collective voice in the political arena.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 34

On the other hand, many of these organizations fall into the category of community

service organizations. In Brinckerhoff’s (1999) overview of faith-based community service

organizations, he explains how they provide “one or more community services to both believers

and nonbelievers, which may have to deal with more secular issues, such as legislation,

licensing, funding streams, government regulations, and the like” (p. 4). The U.S. Department of

Health and Human Services (HHS) has previously awarded $817 million dollars to FBOs, and in

2017 reported its dedication to engaging in partnerships with a number of sectors to administer

programs and funding without discrimination based on religion.

Sanders (2012) suggests that one important religious expression for African Americans

during slavery was through the formal institution of the church. She continues to note how

“faithbased and faith-based partnerships…share many of the same norms—religious scripture,

social mission, religious symbols (i.e., the Cross), that they can draw upon to establish a base of

trust” (Sanders, 2012, p. 46). Lockhart’s (2005) literature reveals that even with similar

interactions with clients’ faith-integrated programs, they spent more time in classes and in

informal activities with their clients, demonstrating a higher concern regarding developing

relationships with their clients than others (p. 55).

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Service’s (HHS) commitment, bolstered by

the Attorney General’s Memorandum for All Executive Departments and Agencies issued on

October 6, 2017 pursuant to Executive Order 13798, is the basis for this research. It specifically

speaks to “a long history of providing an array of important services to people and communities

in need of health care, education, social services, and other charitable services in the United

States” (p. 49301), but not economic development. Research related to economic development

activities mainly seems to be written in the early 2000s. Sanders’ (2012) research purports that

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 35

through partnerships with FBOs, tangible and non-tangible perceived benefits exist. Thus, there

is a need to identify current opportunities, understand these perceived benefits, and reveal

challenges to engaging in CED.

According to Clarke and Ware (2015), though concerned with the spiritual well-being of

their members, there is an interest in the participation in activities such as business development,

entrepreneurship, trade union leadership, advocacy, workforce programs, real estate purchases,

and investment. James (as cited in Clarke & Ware, 2015) explains, “Faith is widely understood

as the acceptance of some ultimate reality beyond this realm and that achieving the highest level

of well-being requires us to have insight into or right relationship with this unseen order” (p. 39).

The terms faith and religion, often used interchangeably, have distinct differences according to

an iterative search of literature.

Research suggests that one could have faith in something without an association to

religion; but there is no religion without faith. An example is the tendency that people have to

believe, or have faith, that when they sit in a chair it will hold them. This belief has no religious

connotation, but it demonstrates a type of faith. For the purpose of this chapter, faith has to do

with an individual’s spiritual foundation. Whereas Bearsdsleys writes (as cited in McFarlane,

2011), “Religion refers to a set of interrelated beliefs…with attitudes and practices…about

human nature, the nature of the universe, how people should live, and the best methods to seek

the truth about reality and values” (p. 98). Research proposes that an intrinsic link exists between

religiosity and the calling that many pursue through their vocation (Dik & Duffy, 2009;

Douglass, 2015). Generally, values are displayed in acts of service, the workplace, and for

clergy, through a pursuit toward a mission. In other words, there is a mandate to express these

beliefs, practices, and values because of a religious foundation which contributes to faith.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 36

Resultantly, FBOs share a mandate also to pursue a mission, as Brinckerhoff (1999)

explains, which results in both worldly good and spiritual growth (p. 4). Wallace et al. (2004)

echo this thought, stating that many FBOs develop strategies to minister holistically to the

human, economic, and community development needs, both within and outside their

congregations. Sanders (2012) proposes that most churches do not fall into one singular category

of activist, civic, sanctuary, or evangelistic, but will constitute variations or degrees of them. She

further explains that clergy with a mission or worldly theology are more likely than others to

engage in social issues and participate in community and economic development activities.

Lockhart (2005) advises, “Except for the reinvented government program, all of the mission

statements affirm the value of creating self-esteem in their clients and in demonstrating respect to

them” (p. 50). Whatever the case, the individuals serving often do so with such passion and

commitment; however, how they do this varies. Sandra (2012) purports that “religion

can…become an opiate for those individuals whose focus is solely on getting into heaven and

not addressing the present conditions in which they and others live” (p. 28).

Thus, the research demonstrates how faith and or religion could be the means for

motivation and provide individuals with a sense of fulfilling their calling. It has been the

motivation behind relief and development work amongst the poor, as well as addressing social

issues (Clarke & Ware, 2015; Sanders, 2012). Many of these individuals would say, “God does it

through them” (Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 2) as a part of their religious duties. Usually considered a

way of serving others or fulfilling their calling, they spend countless hours feeding the homeless,

teaching, rehabilitating houses, and meeting other needs. Faith or religion may influence the

methods used to implement the work. This perception is “found in FBOs of all faiths, including

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 37

not just Christian, but also Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish and Muslim organizations” (Clarke & Ware,

2015, p. 41).

A number of articles contrast how an individual’s faith or religion influences the program

types accessible through secular, non-profit, and faith-based entities. Lockhart (2005) writes,

“faith-based and secular programs have different ‘self-understandings of how they can be most

successful in working with clients with secular programs focusing more on skill development

whereas non-profit and religious programs focus on personal and social needs” (p. 46). He

investigates two programs run by non-profit organizations composed of Protestants from

mainline, conservative, and traditionally black churches. Their leaders would refuse government

funds rather than give up the religious elements of their programs (Lockhart, 2005, p. 49). This

may be a result of how, though the government at times supports and protects religious rights,

this association with religion has presented challenges for FBOs’ ability to serve due to policies

(Sanders, 2012).

Saperstein (as cited in Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013) presents a number of policy reasons

to avoid direct government financing, even though the Supreme Court held this funding to be

legal if monies are used for secular purposes. This poses potential threats to a number of things

such as 1) religious autonomy, 2) dilution of religious mission, 3) a reduction in ability to hold

the government accountable, 4) limitations on the benefits of competition, 5) weakened support

from individuals, and 6) increased divisiveness and lack of evidence of efficacy of faith-based

programs (Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013, pp. 479-478).

Alexander (as cited in Bielefeld & Cleveland, 2013) argues, “the capacity of FBOs to

play major roles as government contractors is limited” (p. 476). FBOs are limited by: 1) financial

and human resources, 2) potential conflict between market orientation and organizational

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 38

mission, 3) operational ability, 4) traditional funding systems limiting the impact of government

funding, 5) flexibility, and 6) the infusion of large sums that could destabilize them (Bielefeld &

Cleveland, 2013).

Benefits and Unique Challenges

The perceptions of FBOs’ involvement in CED vary. Even those who advocate for these

organizations have admitted the unique challenges. For instance, Brinckerhoff (1999) infers,

FBOs both have baggage and benefit from ties to a certain religion or denomination (p. 13).

Lunn (2009) suggests that the avoidance of religion in development literature may attribute to

modernism and be seen as an impediment to economic advancement (p. 939). Shirley (2010)

writes that congregations called to help develop and sustain local communities should: 1) have

infrastructure which may be accomplished using government funding, 2) run in a more business-

like fashion which can be achieved through certain practices, and 3) be measurable through

systematic approaches. Watson (2009) writes, “the most important aspect of Faith-based

organizations is the impact on social concerns in American communities as they are often placed

in areas that suffer from violence, homicide and poverty” (p. 21).

FBOs seem to have some special benefits to their role in communities, politics, social

services, and CED. Partnering with or utilizing an FBO in efforts can help with credibility in the

community, provide a platform for entities mandated to work with indigenous populations,

reduce bureaucracy, lend significant access to stakeholders, and increase, inform, and outreach to

a large number of individuals for recruiting. In the past, initiatives sought to influence the

community on a number of fronts including economic prosperity, homeownership, increased

civic engagement, improvement in the jobless rate, and building bridges into the banking

community (Sanders, 2012).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 39

Other benefits of FBOs include an opportunity to work holistically with clients rather

than in isolation when engaged in CED. Brinckerhoff (1999) says, “the foundation of faith

provides a supplementary dimension that empowers and forces your efforts” (p. 18). Hula,

Jackson-Elmoore, and Reese (2007) write, “faith-based programs provide intangible benefits that

include empathy, hope, optimism, and emotional support” (p. 73). They continue by arguing,

“An analysis of the quality and efficiency of service activity emphasizes short-term benefits

provided by FBOs,” but long-term benefits can also be identified through research (Hula,

Jackson-Elmoore, & Reese, 2007, p. 84).

Short-term examples include financial resources, education, and training programs which,

as Anglin (2004) explains, “impart information or build skills, generally offering only one

session of modest duration (as little as an hour or as long as a week)” (p. 212). In addition, the

author writes, “Often technical assistance is used for crisis intervention in a project or portfolio

or as part of an audit of troubled assets and organizations” (Anglin, 2004, p. 212). Offering long-

term solutions with the “impact of substantial investments in education on community

development goals, such as transformation of target neighborhoods” has potential (Anglin, 2004,

p. 222). Hula, Jackson-Elmoore, and Reese (2007) explain, “When congregations are directly

involved in a social service or community development project, they tend to focus on activities

that can be handled by a small volunteer force capable of carrying out well-defined tasks within a

specific time limit” (p. 72).

As an alternative, Wallace et al. (2004) explain, “A key benefit of church-owned for

profit entities is that they can provide revenue to support the church’s human development work,

both sacred and secular, and thus reduce dependency on external funds from government,

foundations or other sources” (p. 14). The authors propose that large-scale development can be a

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 40

long-term, systematic, sustainable development strategy (Wallace et al., 2004). With an

entrepreneurial perspective, an FBO’s goal as an empowering and empowered organization may

shape its own future and benefit those it serves (Wallace et al., 2004). Hula, Jackson-Elmoore,

and Reese (2007) record, “It has been argued that faith-based services are more effective because

of the potentials faith itself can bring to both clients and providers… This creates an interesting

political quandary where the critical advantage [exists and]…may need to be limited because of

church/state concerns” (p. 82).

Research demonstrates some unique challenges faced by FBOs that prohibit true freedom

to serve as they desire. In the article “The Free Exercise of Religious Identity,” it is clear that one

challenge faced by FBOs is religious freedom, which is the right to define and pursue an identity

through a religion or faith. However, imposed in such a way that it negates the rights of others

poses a problem. Lucas (2017) writes, “Grounded in religious freedom, these arguments suggest

that individuals have a right to operate businesses or conduct their professional roles in a manner

that conforms to their religious identity” (p. 54). Another argument by Yaghi (2007) is that

“Over-religiosity could lead decision makers to see everything inside and outside the

organization through religious lenses, limiting by that their ability to change managerial

strategies, change values, or gain new skills” (p. 366).

Resultantly, even with this freedom FBOs must be careful to stay within the laws. As

Brinckerhoff (2009) notes, “People of faith have their world view strongly affected by their

spiritual perspective,” interpersonal conflicts between individuals can happen, and the potential

to collaborate with other organizations may be affected (p. 7). This can limit effectiveness

because, as Kyle (2004) demonstrates, local economic development (LED) has an emphasis upon

job creation, economic development, and public-private partnerships in line with modem policy

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 41

objectives accepted by a majority of governments and development institutions, and not

necessarily on religious beliefs (p. 33).

Lockhart (2005) provides further insight into this phenomenon by explaining, “For the

faith-based, arms-length non-profit organizations often created by churches and other faith

institutions to enable direct involvement, a host of more specific challenges awaits” such as:

• reconciling distinct interests of the parent organization and subsidiary,

• fighting perceptions that church moneys and development/service moneys are

fungible,

• dealing with stakeholders who scrutinize the professional activities of the service

provider subsidiary according to the faith messages of the church, and

• personal statements of a charismatic pastor (p. 50).

Multiple determinants may limit FBOs from engaging in CED such as time, funding, capacity,

staffing, religious affiliations, leadership and management skills, comfort levels, etc. According

to Hula, Jackson-Elmoore, and Reese (2007), “there are at least three broad political dimensions

on which faith-based organizations must be evaluated: (1) level and nature of service activity, (2)

quality and efficiency of service activity, and (3) long-term political impacts” (p. 79). Biebricher

(2011) documents that they often lack experience when it comes to meeting federal funding

requirements. Hula, Jackson-Elmoore, and Reese (2007) state that “Fundamental issues of the

quality and efficiency of service activity also need to be addressed through additional research”

(p. 82). Reese argues that (as cited in Hula, Jackson-Elmoore, & Reese, 2007) few FBOs limit

service to those outside of their faith, and further research is needed of the programs to examine

clients and self-selecting behaviors. FBOs are providing limited service or “boutique” services if

faith-based service provision is viewed as an alternative to the public sector or they do not have

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 42

the capacity. Hula, Jackson-Elmoore, and Reese (2007) explain that FBOs may not be

sustainable long-run options and resources.

Qualities of Successful FBOs

An FBO’s success is contingent upon their ability to “foster holistic change in their

communities” and “develop vital economic development ministries”; but they also need

organizational development and resource, programmatic, network, and political capacities

(Bizer, 2008, p. 22). According to Brinckerhoff (1999), success is also dependent upon seven

other key characteristics. The keys that FBOs should have are a foundation of faith and focus on

mission, volunteers who knowledgeably and competently fill key roles, and multiple staff who

use their gifts and encourage the use of others. FBOs are also to pay close attention to markets,

demonstrate excellent stewardship in finance, strategic planning, and resource management, and

have flexibility with a focus on achievable growth (Brinckerhoff, 1999). Bizer (2008) explains

that this includes “increasing business management and leadership skills and developing a tool

kit to implement asset development” (p. 22). Lastly, Brinckerhoff (1999) suggests the following

replicable management strategies and techniques for FBOs: (1) assess organization’s strengths

and weaknesses, (2) clearly define staff roles and responsibilities, (3) empower and evaluate paid

staff, (4) recruit and retain volunteers, (5) wisely steward finances, (6) improve leadership skills,

(7) conduct marketing campaigns, and (8) regularly create plans.

The Role of the FBO within CED

Further exploring the relationship between FBOs and CED, the researcher explains

several steps. The first step was to provide a brief synopsis of: 1) the related concepts and 2) the

information gathered from the related scholarly sources. Some of these related concepts include

the church, entrepreneurship, capacity, capital, economy, characteristics, employment, small- and

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 43

medium-sized enterprises, government, policy, motivation, behaviors, and servant leadership.

Thus, it is just as important to research the interconnectedness of FBOs and empowerment. The

following literature provides further insight into just how important these concepts are to

economic growth and outcomes.

Sanders (2012) states, “Many of these institutions of faith have been in the community

for more than a decade, which affords them an intimate glimpse into the history and life of the

neighborhood” (p. 1). This is true in Western cultures; however, most of the literature is on

international development and typically focuses on “charitable assistance, relief and social

services” (Lunn, 2009, p. 943). As part of the historical background on faith-based engagement

in CED, it is important to understand the major thoughts, issues, controversies, and arguments

that influence the study.

Literature on FBOs and their involvement in development dates as far back as the 1900s.

Ackers (1993) provides conclusive information dating back to 1976 that shows that the concept

of the church’s involvement in economic activities is not new. In fact, one of its sources, The

Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, suggests that (as cited in Ackers, 1993) “The

influence of the ‘Protestant Ethic’ on business entrepreneurship and trade union Leadership has

been an import theme of English economic history” (p. 67).

Lunn (2009) poignantly states, “Whilst superficially religion has appeared to be absent

from development, some note that the whole field actually has clear religious—specifically

Christian—roots and concepts which are essential to its vision and practice” (p. 940). The

author’s reasons for there appearing to be an absence of FBOs represented in development are

due to the lack of data to support their existence, the difficulty in quantifying impact and

outcomes, and the systematic omission or devaluing of religion in scholarship. Lunn (2009)

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 44

alleges that there is a trickle of growth and recognition in this area, and the development

community reports shying away from it. The researcher hopes further data could explain this

phenomenon.

Several discoveries related to the influence of FBOs on other topics such as human,

social, and financial capital and the connection to economic growth evolved through an

additional survey of literature. Moon (2007) states, “Many megachurches and congregations

from traditional church organizations developed separate nonprofit 501c (3) corporations to

utilize the human and financial resources at their disposal in community development efforts” (p.

14) in an attempt to increase their capital and capacity. The data preserve the idea of how crucial

these capitals are in any program, education, or service attempts to: 1) bridge the gap in equality

of wealth distribution, 2) reduce barriers of employment, and 3) sustain economic development

strategies.

Community Capital Building

The universal church functions not only to provide a religious foundation or spirituality,

but also to serve as a catalyst to build a community. Historically, faith has been the motivation

behind much relief and development work amongst the poor. Faith can also influence the

methods to implement the development work; this dual citizenship or intersection approach can

be found in FBOs of all faiths including not just Christian, but also Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, and

Muslim organizations (Clarke & Ware, 2015, p. 41). Cordero-Guzmán and Auspos’ (2006)

research suggests that there are “contributions that community building can make to economic

development” and vice versa, of which FBOs are familiar (p. 199).

One accomplishes community building, according to Cordero-Guzmán and Auspos

(2006), through increasing local access to goods and services, expanding the entrepreneurial

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 45

base, expanding employment opportunities, giving neighborhoods control over ownership of

local resources, and connecting residents and businesses to the economy (p. 199). Lockhart

(2005) suggests that “FBOs have been found to generate social capital…the social ties that

engender civil society, particularly if these ties are conjoined with trust and norms of

reciprocity…enabling people to do things more effectively than if they were not connected to

these relationships” (p. 46).

Clarke and Ware’s (2014) article further explains, “FBOs are reviewed as key

participants in civil society, active across a variety of development-related fields including

conflict resolution and reconciliation, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, environmental

protection and conservation, politics and social movements and social welfare and development”

(pp. 44-45). Entwistle (2008) writes, “One of the major roles of pastors and their churches is to

support and grow a community of believers that is not only spiritually healthy, but also

economically viable” (p 48).

Lastly, literature states, “FBOs play a very significant role in the provision of social

services, often on behalf of governments unable to establish the trust and relations required to

engage in difficult communities” (Clarke & Ware, 2014, p. 45). When it comes to all facades of

development, FBOs are important. Examples of this include the African Methodist Episcopal

(AME) Church, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), the National Baptist

Publishing Board, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People

(NAACP) (Moon, 2007, pp. 4-6). Lockhart (2005) suggests that poverty-to-work programs also

create social capital in both secular and faith-based programs (p. 57). On the other hand,

congregations and FBOs being socioeconomically heterogeneous can make them effective sites

for programs seeking to develop social capital of the poor (Lockhart, 2005, p. 58). He

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 46

recommends that “Tying congregations into faith-based coalitions or partnerships with secular

organizations can further help the poor gain bridging social capital and other resources that

traverse denominational, racial, economic and geographic division” (2005, p. 58).

They can also contribute to the success or failure of entrepreneurial endeavors. Moon

(2007) explains, “Well-established African American congregations and denominations began to

embrace entrepreneurship as a key component in their community development initiatives, using

the resources of their membership base before branching out to embrace their neighborhoods and

the community at large” (p. 13).

Religion and Entrepreneurship

Dougherty, Griebel, Neubert, and Park (2013), in the article “A Religious Profile for

American Entrepreneurs,” examine religion and entrepreneurship and describe characteristics of

entrepreneurs and their relationship to the American culture. Cordero-Guzmán and Auspos

(2006) propose that CED programs could increase local access to consumer goods and services,

expand the local entrepreneurial base, and expand local employment opportunities (p. 199).

Within their analysis of this concept, Fairlie states (as cited in Dougherty et al., 2013),

“According to the Kauffman Index of Entrepreneurial Activity, a small subset of working adults

starts 543,000 new businesses per month” (p. 401). While he adds that there is “ethnographic

evidence that entrepreneurs may cluster within certain types of congregations” (as suggested in

Dougherty et al., 2013), it may be important to examine the engagement of such activities of

FBOs (p. 403).

The article further explains, “The initiative and creativity of entrepreneurs are highly

prized in capitalist society. Entrepreneurs help [to] fuel the American Dream” (Dougherty et al.,

2013, p. 401). Dodd and Golsis (as cited in Dougherty et al., 2013) suggest that religion is “an

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 47

understudied social dimension of entrepreneurs” (p. 401). There is a controversy though about

whether “The Church” should engage in “worldly” or “secular” activities such as

entrepreneurship and CED. To avoid such criticisms, many create a separate business enterprise.

In other words, they become entrepreneurs referred to as faith-based entrepreneurs.

Dougherty et al. (2013) state that the “Protestant reformers like Luther and Calvin

emphasized that God called individuals to serve Him in nonreligious occupations” (p. 401). They

go as far as to say that for some FBOs, “religion provides motivation for entrepreneurship”

(Dougherty et al., 2013, p. 401). This idea is supported by Cole’s (2014) study which insists that

“religious institutions shape the entrepreneurial process for marginalized groups and in

supporting entrepreneurs, individuals who endeavor to create new economic activity” (p. 1).

Entwistle (2008) states, “It is the role of the church, and specifically the pastor to

complete the instillation process, aiding the development of positive contributing entrepreneurial

members of their community” (p. 12). She further explains, “A pastor should not be encouraging

entrepreneurial activity for personal wealth and gain, but rather for the improvement of

individuals and their communities utilizing their gifts to positively impact others” (Entwistle,

2008, p. 128). In doing so, there is a need for collective action with others such as business,

government, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which CED programs encourage.

This could be why Entwistle states, “The church is convicted to instill in entrepreneurs integrity,

honesty, diligence, fairness, and stewardship…a sense of responsibility to contribute to the social

and economic development of their communities” (2008, p. 12).

Contrarily, the researcher describes only one noteworthy argument against this

relationship. Fabricius (2013) voices his disagreement against such ideas in the article “What

Profiteth the Entrepreneurial Church?,” suggesting that “it is a vision ‘according to the flesh’ the

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 48

deceit of the self evident” (p. 24). He goes on to state, “the church that Lord Mawson proposes is

a church that is engaged in extremely important work, particularly insofar as it supports the

vulnerable and marginalized” (Fabricius, 2013, pp. 24-25). One could say the desire for

entrepreneurship is not “self evident.” That passion might be to create a platform for developing

skills and opportunities for wealth building for one’s family and others, with the ability and

freedom to work from a motivation of zeal and perceived “calling.” Fabricius (2013) believes, “it

is a church that must be…careful that, though it gains the whole world, it risks losing its soul” (p.

25).

Dougherty et al. (2013), on the other hand, point to the influence of faith and religion on

entrepreneurship. Dana (as cited in Dougherty et al., 2013) notes that “the values promoted by

some faith traditions encourage entrepreneurship… The Amish are instructive, Amish values of

hard work, self-sufficiency, and asceticism readily translate to self-employment” (p. 402).

Although generally overlooked, these characteristics and behaviors are common to FBOs and

support the need for such engagement in CED. Moon (2007) writes, as faith-based entrepreneurs,

black ministers run the risk of credibility; yet meaningful group economic development and

entrepreneurship take place when religious institutions and that stable leadership, membership,

and financial resources establish organizations (p. 4). Cole’s (2014) exploratory study proposes,

“religious institutions shaped decision-making and confidence in ways that gave some adherents

an ‘extra-social’ legitimacy making it easier to deviate from established norms and practices of

industries in the business world” (p. 18). It further reveals, “both Muslims and Mormons also

pointed out that their respective religion’s holy writs provide the general frameworks for all

types of human activity, including providing frameworks for business related decisions in

economic activity like entrepreneurship” (Cole, 2014, p. 41).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 49

Community Development

CED is a link between community development and economic development. The U.S.

Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) defines it as “activities that build

stronger and more resilient communities through an ongoing process of identifying and

addressing needs, assets, and priority investments” (What is Community Development?, 2017,

para. 1). It “may support infrastructure, economic development projects, installation of public

facilities, community centers, housing rehabilitation, public services, clearance/acquisition,

microenterprise assistance, code enforcement, homeowner assistance and many other identified

needs” (para. 1).

Accordingly, Perkins (1995) writes that this specific calling is one referred to as Christian

community development (CCD), established by practical biblical principles that evolved from

creative long-term solutions to meet the felt needs of the poor. It includes the need to belong, be

significant and important to others, and have a reasonable amount of security (Perkins, 1995, p.

20). It also “means bettering the quality of other people’s lives—spiritually, physically, socially,

and emotionally—as you better your own” (Perkins, 1995, p. 21). “Avenues to create jobs,

schools, health centers, home ownership, and other enterprises of long-term development”

(Perkins, 1995, p. 23) add significantly to their lives. He also writes that it creates opportunities

for leadership, affirms dignity, and empowers them to meet their own needs, which is a “holistic”

approach. Therefore, community development is just as important as economic development, and

together they make up the framework of CED.

Economic Development and Small Business

Economic development distinguished by the activities involved in the process should

either increase or stabilize the wealth of a community, city, county, state, nation, or country.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 50

These activities are inclusive of the use of technology to reduce the carbon footprint, the

structure of a roadway, as in how it provides access, and the number of jobs available, which is

different from community development. Feldman et al. (2014) offer a definition for it as “the

expansion of capacities that contribute to the advancement of society through the realization of

individual, firm and community potential” (p. 12).

Economic development is also referred to as “the development of capacities that expand

economic actor’s capabilities” and how the government becomes a means wherein stakeholders

can come together to promote “well being and prosperity” (Feldman et al., 2014, p. 3). Thus,

“economic development occurs when individual agents have the opportunity to develop the

capacities that allow them to actively engage and contribute to the economy” (Feldman et al.,

2014, p. 5). Schumpeter (as cited in Feldman et al., 2014) states that economic development

“involves transferring capital from established methods of production to new, innovative,

productivity-enhancing methods” (p. 6).

In other words, this concept is a series of processes that involves many factors including

the collaboration of government, FBOs, businesses, and individuals. It alludes to the fact that

although short-term solutions may be possible, generally, to see real growth, one must look at it

from a long-term perspective. Economic development, according to Feldman et al. (2014), 1) is

about positioning the economy on a higher growth trajectory, 2) is the product of long-term

investments in the generation of new ideas, knowledge transfer, and infrastructure, and 3)

depends on functioning social and economic institutions and on cooperation between the public

sector and private enterprise (p. 1).

This may include trainings, programs, and services provided by FBOs, universities, and

for-profit and non-profit entities for employment and small businesses. Feldman et al. (2014)

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 51

further explain that economic development “depends on education so that workers can more

fully participate in the economy, social and cultural patterns of behavior that encourage initiative

and engagement, and co-operation rather than adversarial relationship between government and

business” (p. 2). Feldman et al. (2014) explain that “economic development preserves and raises

the community’s standard of living through a process of human and physical infrastructure

development based on principles of equity and sustainability” (p. 11).

Community development and economic development, as Cordero-Guzmán and Auspos

(2006) purport, are both affected as strategies by certain kinds of businesses and business

development strategies. The authors note that they are more likely than other strategies “to

generate jobs for local residents, improve resident access to consumer goods and services, or

contribute to the development of local role models and community leaders” (Cordero-Guzmán &

Auspos, 2006, p. 207). They further explain that the CED literature “suggests that small business

assistance programs must address two primary problems that plague their target businesses: the

need for capital for start-up and expansion purposes, and the need for ongoing management

support and other technical assistance” (Cordero-Guzmán & Auspos, 2006, p. 229).

A prime example of how this plays out in practice is from Choi’s (2010) research on

ethnic entrepreneurship as a key factor of CED. His study reveals that of the majority of

respondents which were Protestant Christians (85%), first generation immigrants (89%), and

small business owners (60%), about 41% shared that they had received support from their church

or church members in starting new businesses or in job searches in the past (Choi, 2010, p. 380).

Choi (2010) also reports, they later tended to be more independent for advancement and growth

(p. 380). He suggests using his case for other minority groups for further study because “It is

necessary to compare how other racial or ethnic groups use their social capital to develop their

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 52

ethnic entrepreneurship” (Choi, 2010, p. 380). In doing so, he documents a model for other

groups such as FBOs that could be empowered to promote the growth of small businesses and

entrepreneurship. The problem lies in the overall perception of the role of faith in development.

Internal and External Perceptions

This study includes research on internal and external perceptions of FBOs to ensure that

the reader understands the phenomena, and that their organizational identity does not hinder

future possibilities for them. All perceptions influence the culture both within and outside the

organization. FBOs can increase economic opportunities for communities, build on the strength

of past successes, and encourage greater participation. They increase the awareness of

underutilized economic resources, thus increasing opportunities for communities. Research that

considers the internal and external perceptions of FBOs engaged in CED can either influence or

discourage their engagement.

Bolman and Deal (2013) write, “The world we perceive is, for the most part, constructed

internally” (p. 36). Internal perceptions include a closer view of what the members of an

organization believe themselves to be and represent. Vidal (2001) writes, “Faithbased

practitioners feel strongly that they bring something distinctive and valuable to community

development, something eminently worthy of respect; if research and researchers are perceived

as not showing that respect—valuable learning opportunities will be lost” (p. 22). Pecukonis and

Wenocur argue (as cited in Ohmer, 2008), “organizational collective efficacy is an organization

or group’s perception of its problem-solving skills and ability to improve the lives of its

members” (p. 856). Ohmer (2008) states, “the more well-run and effective they perceived their

organization, the greater the benefits members received from their involvement” (p. 865).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 53

There have been arguments for and against FBOs’ involvement in development activities

such as CED. Vidal’s (2001) research suggests that some external perceptions are that FBOs

only want to engage in this arena because of the money. He reports that “one of his interview

subjects said, ‘It’s insulting; they come with dollar signs in their eyes’” (Vidal, 2001, p. 22). This

point of view possibly changes if there is adequate research to prove this argument wrong.

McFarlane (2011) writes, “Western society is still under the powerful influence of religion” (p.

95). He further states that due to “a radical shift in economies and politics, declining moral

individual and collective values have resulted in a strain on the influence of religion as many

abandon faith and beliefs for materialism and mundane happiness” (McFarlane, 2011, p. 95).

Sanders’ (2012) research on FBOs’ partnership formation may explain the lack of

engagement in CED as a result of perceptions relative to social capital, trust between

organizations, the networks organizations are embedded in, organizational ecology, the external

environment between sectors and organizational capacity. It suggests that it may be perceived

that caring for the needy is the responsibility of the government. Yet, Sanders (2012) argues that

“Before an…organization can act on changing something in the social, political, economic, or

even natural environment, there first has to be the recognition of…a need” (p. 131). Ohmer

(2008) argues that clergy say, “FBOs, not secular nonprofit organizations or government

agencies, would best provide services to the needy” (p. 139).

Anglin (2004) writes that clergy assume they are capable of addressing some of these

needs, “which imply the capacity to deliver diverse services under the rubric of community

development” (p. 139). Ohmer’s (2008) study demonstrates that “the most important factor-

related members’ personal and collective benefits was their perceptions of their organizations’

ability to produce tangible community improvements, including improved housing, businesses,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 54

and social services” (p. 867). Cordero-Guzmán and Auspos (2006) propose, “To the degree

that…community organizations are actually involved in planning, implementing, organizing, or

overseeing local economic development activities, other community-building effects are likely to

result,” and this includes FBOs (p. 204). Each perception may be an influence of communication.

Marketing and Communication

Though there are arguments for and against marketing by religious organizations and

churches according to Gawronski and Majkowska (2018), this researcher found it important to

discuss the benefits for FBOs engaged in CED. The purpose is not to deny the attitude of how

the use of these methods could appear to be secular in nature; but to demonstrate how using them

may help with effectiveness (Gawronski & Majkowska, 2018). Since FBOs already participate in

marketing strategies, Brinckerhoff (1999) suggests it is important to reinforce the idea that they,

just like every organization, need to focus and refine their efforts.

He writes that faith is a competitive marketplace (Brinckerhoff, 1999). The same is true

for for-profit or non-profit organizations that engage in CED. Brinckerhoff (1999) writes,

“within each of the main belief structures are hundreds if not thousands of different choices” of

faith (p. 161). If “people have choices” regarding their faith and engaging in CED is a matter of

importance to them, it is important for FBOs to make them aware of their values and existence

(Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 161). Research suggests that FBOs do this in an intentional way that does

not hinder their integrity and is quantifiable (Brinckerhoff, 1999; Gawronski & Majkowska,

2018). Therefore, if they desire to be or are engaged in CED, their communication efforts should

reflect that.

FBOs are competing in many areas and for different purposes such as attendance,

volunteer work, members, contributions, and in some cases, staff (Brinckerhoff, 1999). They are

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 55

also competing with the social expectations of people (Gawronski & Majkowska, 2018).

Brinckerhoff (1999) argues that marketing skills “can be adapted and adopted to do more

mission, more efficiently and effectively” (p. 161). Manitoba Agriculture, Food and Rural

Development (2015) writes, any organization engaging in CED should be highly visible; it keeps

them competitive and causes others to know they are an asset to initiatives. Marketing is a way to

do is this.

CED: A Newer Paradigm

Distinguished as the middle ground between the other approaches, CED is one of three

approaches bringing about change to ecosystems on a micro or macro level (Shaffer, Deller, &

Marcouiller, 2006). Community development and economic development are the other two

approaches. They do not at times have clearly recognized lines between them in practice or

among some literature; but they do function within different frameworks. Additionally, by their

outcomes politically, socially, financially, and or organizationally there are boundaries within

each of them. Research suggests that each of these approaches is necessary in practice and

demonstrates multiple theoretical foundations that can serve in an empowering way (Shaffer,

Deller, & Marcouiller, 2006).

Economic Development

Economic development is a regional or global attempt to stabilize the economy. Its

primary focus is on job creation, despite having similar goals for the local economy in creating

capital, functioning in a competitive market, and maximizing resources. As stated earlier, its

definitions vary. In the research, key elements apply to economic development that relate to this

portion of the text. These five basic objectives, according to Hendricks, St. Clair, and Robertson

(2017), include:

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 56

1. make existing employers more competitive,

2. encourage new employers,

3. capture more local dollars,

4. attract new employers, and

5. access outside sources of capital (The Elements of Economic).

While economic development can be hard to understand, research should be clear in

distinguishing this from other strategies because though community development is contingent

upon it, it is unique in approach, processes, and geographical parameters. The recipe for

economic growth, according to Taylor and Greenlaw (2014), is investing in labor productivity,

human capital, and technology and increasing physical capital.

To understand economic growth, using living standards of an average person, there can

be a focus on gross domestic product (GDP) per capita (Siebeneck & Yoon, 2017; Taylor &

Greenlaw, 2014), which is a measure of nationwide growth calculated as the sum of GDP of the

United States and the District of Columbia. This is very different from the strategies of CED as

described by the research.

The Community Action Partnership (CAP) describes CED’s purpose as one that “is to

revitalize communities, develop and rehabilitate affordable housing, promote sustainability,

attract investments, build wealth, encourage entrepreneurship, and create jobs” (Community

Economic Development, para. 1). CAP is a national membership organization that “provides

technical assistance, training, and other resources,” which is “funded by the Community Services

Block Grant (CSBG), a federal program that allocates funding to states to combat poverty across

the United States” (About Community Action Partnership, para. 1). Overall, it provides strategies

that if initiated afford solutions to a community’s economic problems. CED, if implemented

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 57

correctly, increases opportunities to “build long term community capacity and foster the

integration of economic, social and environmental objectives” (About Community Action

Partnership, para. 2).

Referring to the literature provided by Clay and Jones (2009), it appears that “The

concept of CED had its roots early in the 1900s in the notorious historical dialogue between

Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois” (para. 12). These activists, among many others,

were in pursuit of “the best way to achieve economic and political power” specifically for

African Americans (Clay & Jones, 2009, para. 12). The authors explain how the Civil Rights era

from the 1950s to the 1970s, with grassroots campaigns to achieve legal equality, played a role in

“large-scale political strategies, which embraced local economic realities, to redress inequality”

(Clay & Jones, 2009, para. 12).

During this time, “In response to this growing dissatisfaction, civil rights organizations

such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) devised strategies to explicitly

address economic disadvantage” (Clay & Jones, 2009, para. 13). These urban renewal initiatives

“ushered in specific policy frameworks targeted at geographically defined communities, aimed to

redress concentrated poverty and urban disinvestment” (Clay & Jones, 2009, para. 15). Anglin

(2004) suggests, “The emergence of faith-based community development as a policy tool

provides a new reason to ask if organizations and institutions in poor communities can play a

part in revitalization” (p. 2).

As with Clay and Jones (2009), there is a contemporary CED movement focused on

market-based principles to stimulate communities. Consequently, “Community organizations and

[community development corporations] act as financial intermediaries, providing technical

assistance to local entrepreneurs and developing shopping centers, supermarkets, and other real

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 58

estate projects” (Clay & Jones, 2009, para. 17). The authors note, “The focus of this work…also

called a place-based strategy…involves the notion that bottom-up social change involving active

community participation must take place within geographic areas” (Clay & Jones, 2009, para.

17).

For that reason, it is important to note that even with “The Economic Opportunity Act of

1964” (About Community Action Partnership, para. 2), these organizations require innovative

ways to continue their missions. One such initiative is the creation of a “Network of locally-

focused Agencies serving low-income populations” (About Community Action Partnership,

para. 2). Another is the creation of community development corporations (CDCs) and

amendments that increased the federal government’s commitment to use them as vehicles of

community-based development and authorized a more comprehensive range of activities (Clay &

Jones, 2009, para. 17).

Another initiative is “the comprehensiveness movement,” which “purported to bring

residents back into the equation by supporting their place as leaders of a wide range of planning

and programmatic activity” (Anglin, 2004, p. 17). Anglin (2004) writes that it “showed no

particular benefit to community residents” if they “do not possess the skills and experience,”

because it “relies on professional skills and knowledge” (Anglin, 2004, p. 17). Unfortunately,

drivers for these initiatives are often local, regional, and national political agendas. Although

they are to be a reflection of what the community needs to thrive economically, generally, they

are not.

As we see in the news today, times have not changed much, considering the decreases in

funding for community organizations that assist residents in education, trainings, financial

support, etc. Anglin (2004) notes that over 15 years ago, “Much like the broader economy,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 59

shifting economies troubled the fragile efforts of small- to medium-sized efforts of CDCs” (p.

16). Although there are many debates about the cause, research suggests there remains a need to

provide the services and support for these organizations. Consequently, although there is a new

political environment, current initiatives to address these concerns continue.

On another note, community development has evolved into a mature field characterized

by institutions and organizations that perform a solid service to low-income communities

needing development (Anglin, 2004, p. 22). Depending on the movement, industry, or field of

the practitioners, there are various terms used such as “community development.” Anglin (2004)

writes, “The community development corporation and similar community-based development

organizations…evolved into building a socially and economically vibrant community that

attracted economic investment and created jobs, economic opportunity, and social mobility” (p.

1). He adds, “the past 40 years have seen significant investment by government, philanthropy,

and the private sector” (Anglin, 2004, p. 2). Entwistle (2008) writes, “Successful community

development necessitates the involvement of the entire community” (p. 4). That idea includes

those within the faith communities; William H. Lockhart’s (2005) research supports this

inclusion process, as the author writes:

Since many such poverty programs were being outsourced to both for- profit and non-

profit service providers…faith-based advocates incorporated into the 1996 legislation a

‘Charitable Choice’ provision that allowed FBOs to receive government funds without

having to give up several faith-related practices (p. 45).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 60

Elements of CED

Missouri State University Center for Community and Economic Development (CCED),

previously referred to as CDEP, provides some key components to consider for FBOs engaged in

CED. The primary activities include: 1) Training, 2) Technical Assistance, 3) Capacity Building,

4) Networking, 5) Applied Research, and 6) Professional Development (Principles of

Community Development, 1996). Each described in more detail in the following paragraphs

assists practitioners with strategies for institutional and organizational elements.

Training. Education as a tool for social change may create empowered and self-

sufficient individuals and communities, as well as facilitate sound decision-making and preserve

the democratic values of self-determination (CCED, 1996). It affords opportunities for residents

and other stakeholders to gain skills, increase awareness, understand issues, identify alternative

solutions, and learn about strategies to mobilize resources (CCED, 1996).

Technical assistance. Technical assistance for citizens and their organizations is critical

to the development of healthy, sustainable, democratic communities (CCED, 1996). Universities,

consulting firms, and community resources with the goal of assisting with CED are available to

provide this support.

Capacity building. The CCED (1996) defines capacity building as the activities

designed to improve the ability of citizens and their organizations. The overarching goal is “to

solve immediate specific problems and also improve their ability to solve future community

problems” (CCED, 1996). As with other aspects of CED, it requires a certain level of expertise.

The authors also claim it always results in an improvement in the skills sustained over an

extended period. Using the well-worn biblical metaphor, when one is engaged in capacity

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 61

building, they are not only getting a fish, they “are learning how to fish” (CCED, 1996). The

outcomes of capacity building often include the following:

• improved organizational structures,

• increased and improved citizen participation,

• greater community/organizational self-reliance,

• improved leadership abilities, and

• stronger community-based organizations at the local level (CCED, 1996).

When successful capacity building is accomplished, the power of active and engaged citizens to

bring about positive social transformation is improved (CCED, 1996).

Networking. For many reasons networking can be important. It may increase the

relationships for individuals and organizations. The CCED (1996) defines it as a process for

establishing ongoing communication, cooperation, and or mutual assistance that occurs in three

stages: identifying the relevant relationships, developing those relationships, and utilizing the

relationships to enhance the effectiveness of specific endeavors. They note, “Networking serves

to build relationships with others who may have information, expertise, access, or resources

required for the successful implementation of community and economic development strategies”

(CCED, 1996).

Applied research. The CCED (1996) confirms that it is important to develop and

implement research activities to help address problems of distressed communities. They define

applied research as “the thoughtful creation, interpretation, communication, or use of knowledge

with the community, based on the ideas and methods of recognized disciplines, professions, and

interdisciplinary fields” (CCED, 1996). They further provide anticipated outcomes of this type of

research:

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 62

• a greater awareness of alternative strategies to address specific issues,

• an increase in the community’s awareness of the economic, social, political,

environmental, and psychological impacts associated with alternative solutions,

• a heightened ability to recognize potential root causes of community concerns, and

• an improved capacity to develop and implement effective public policy initiatives that

address the causes of community decline rather than the symptomatic treatment of

persistent problems.

Professional development. Professional development activities may include a range of

deeds such as training, participation in projects, positions on boards and committees, webinars,

and other actions that will increase the skill, knowledge, and understanding of an individual. All

of these components are key to sustained CED, which also assists with community

empowerment. As Clay & Jones (2009) write, a community achieves this by exerting ongoing

influence over local decision making such that efforts are responsive to community needs.

Theoretical Framework

Theories “guide the researchers as to what issues are important to examine (e.g.,

marginalization, oppression, power) and the people who need to be studied” (Creswell, 2014, p.

98). Used as a broad explanation for behavior and attitudes (Creswell, 2014, p. 98), the theories

provide background for launching this research in ways that connect it with current debates

(Mason, 2002). Within this section, the researcher compares and contrasts competing theories,

explores how they apply to the problem of engagement for FBOs and the theoretical proponents

of CED, and justifies the theoretical foundation of the dissertation. Analyzing the literature led to

the following theoretical framework seen in Figure 1. The literature on leadership, management,

and religiosity intersected around empowerment which is why these theories were chosen.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 63

Figure 1

Theoretical Framework

Note. Illustrates the combination of theories into a theoretical framework (Harpst, 2008; Qehaja,
Kutllovci, and Pula, 2017; Moynihan & Van Mart, 2013; Wallace, Myers, and Holley, 2004;
Wong and Davey, 2007; Van Dierendonck, 2011; Zimmerman, 1995).

First, the theory of holistic faith-based development and empowerment informs this

research because, as Wallace, Myers, and Holley (2004) suggest, with it “both the pressing felt

needs of individuals as well as larger, more systemic needs of organizations and neighborhoods

are met” (p. 23). This empowerment theory is qualitative in nature, and in combination with a

case study method of analysis and design helped with the investigation of the subjects of FBOs

and CED.

Secondly, as Wong and Davey (2007) suggest, “The spirit of the leader as a servant may

be just what is needed to implement a strengths-based paradigm…practiced and taught by Jesus

more than 2000 years ago… Potentially… [using the theory] can transform leadership, the

workplace and society” (pp. 9-10). The Servant Leadership Model also informs the research as

Van Dierendonck (2011) identifies important characteristics which include empowering and

developing people and stewardship.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 64

Thirdly, the faith-based management framework informs this research because it appears

to be the missing link in most of the research. A management approach is popular in most

organizational settings; however it seems to be absent from FBOs in which the adoption of such

practices could increase the quality of services and offerings that empower their staff, members,

and geographical target areas.

Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Theory and Development

Empowerment theory adapted to fit a faith-based perspective examines the processes by

which people of faith, their organizations, and their neighborhoods gain control over their lives

and the outcomes of empowering processes (Wallace et al., 2004). Empowering processes are the

mechanisms by which people, FBOs, and neighborhoods become empowered (Wallace et al.,

2004). Wallace, Myers, and Holley (2004) provide a theory of holistic faith-based empowerment

development that aims to be a solution “to the revitalized urban communities” (p. 5). They

explain that other organizations and agencies assumed the church’s historic role in providing

social services, but that its influence remains because leaders of these organizations are

associated with some faith institution (Wallace, Myers, & Holley, 2004, p. 4). According to

Wallace, Myers, and Holley (2004), “churches are potentially key empowering settings in which

people have opportunities to share leadership, develop group identity, learn skills and participate

in key organizational tasks (Zimmerman, 1995; Maton & Salem, 1995; Speer & Hughey, 1995)”

(p. 8).

Examples of programs that seek to empower FBOs include those geared toward

increasing their ability to assist poor communities, build capital and capacity in areas of

leadership, recruit, train, and carry out the community organizing necessary to strengthen impact

(Anglin, 2004). Anglin (2004) writes, “Community organizing…empowers residents to hold the

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 65

political system accountable for improving social services, housing, and other public policies that

support a viable community” (p. 15).

Anglin (2004) continues, “Catholic social teaching in the 20th century made increasingly

strong links between economic empowerment and justice” (p. 29). The author notes that “The

importance of the Black Church in the story of community development is directly proportional

to the economic oppression of African Americans both before and after Emancipation” (Anglin,

2004, p. 30). This research suggests that “Long before CDCs appeared, the Black struggle for

justice and civil rights had an economic-empowerment agenda” (Anglin, 2004, p. 30).

William W. Biddle (as cited in Anglin, 2004), “a deeply religious sociologist affiliated

with the National Council of Churches, urged congregations to join the community development

movement” (p. 31). The community development movement includes several initiatives such as

those of the “Advocates of Black Community Development (ABCD) in Canton, Ohio,” about

whom Anglin (2004) writes, “they began work as a separate corporation developed by a small

United Methodist congregation” (p. 31). The author notes, “ABCD changed its name in 1987 to

Association for Better Community Development and continues today as a powerful faith-based

model working to ‘reduce poverty, to foster self-reliance and to bring about empowerment of the

community that we serve’” (Anglin, 2004, p. 31). In her study, additional evidence supports how

“African-American churches are particularly active on behalf of asset building and economic

empowerment, for which informal support includes providing church space and pulpit ‘air time’

for mortgage lenders and homeownership counselors” (Anglin, 2004, p. 46).

Anglin (2004) defines faith-based community development as:

The practice by organizations from the faith sector to produce services that increase the

assets of poor neighborhoods and expand the socioeconomic opportunities for their

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 66

residents [which helps] to empower poor communities by employing their own social

capital in ways that benefit not only their own members but also individuals and families

who are not members (p. 153).

Leadership Theory

The theory shows how it is important to understand and accept the complexity and

demands of leadership, the role of the leaders, and their relationship to performance. First, in

order to understand the concept one must define leadership. A second step is to show the

association with either an individual’s abilities or a list of principles (Moynihan & Van Mart,

2013). With a focus on faith-based leaders, this study shows, leadership theories may strengthen

skills from a managerial perspective as well as reveal approaches to organizational change

(Moynihan & Van Mart, 2013). Gallardo (2015) shows the importance of who is involved in

these efforts when he expresses that “with committed leaders and a clear vision of where the

community wants and needs to be, CED can move communities forward in a comprehensive

way” (p. 2).

Choosing faith-based leaders was important to this study since they are the ones most

committed to FBOs in practice, and by educating them with theories their performance may be

improved. They have started and maintained initiatives that not only change the lives of

individuals but also revitalize underserved communities and transform neighborhoods (The

Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2006). Their effectiveness and when they are assessed depends upon

their abilities, skills, and capacity to engage followers and change systems. The analysis shows

faith-based leaders to be known for their support of programs and services, yet it is missing

information on these other factors. In fact, the literature indicates that they generally concentrate

their efforts on things such as spirituality, feeding the homeless, assisting the poor, and providing

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 67

shelter. Limited information exists on which theories, models, or best practices are used in these

activities, but research does mention other activities such as those related to children and youth.

It is also true, though, that many business leaders who start out with visions of excellence

often see their hearts absorbed by day-to-day challenges (Harpst, 2008); this is also the case with

faith-based leaders. A challenge for CED practitioners and faith-based leaders is distinguishing

between how to plan and execute through these complexities with a balanced strategy. Harpst’s

(2008) belief is that this “is the most foundational capability any organization can have” (p. 2).

His theoretical perspective about leadership is that “progress in a variety of best practices

and technology…created the foundation for a next-generation program that will overcome the

barriers” (Harpst, 2008, p. 2). In his book, he provides a framework for strategy and a

methodology for execution. They may help with determining what promise to commit to with

stakeholders, how to deliver the commitment, and how to overcome complexities (Harpst, 2008).

His methodology claims to provide best practices that ensure team members understand and

regularly perform actions to achieve the organization’s goals” (The Six Disciplines

Methodology, para. 1). This is important to leadership as it helps to 1) develop a strategic vision,

2) initiate change, 3) align all systems, 4) encourage teamwork, 5) improve quality and

processes, and 6) provide chances to review, adjust, and excel. See appendix.

Servant Leadership

The complexity of leadership demonstrates why CED leaders may need to use a variety

of theories, competencies, skills, and styles to perform well, influence others, and operate in

systems. Spears’ (2005) article on the servant leadership (SL) theory offers CED practitioners

ways to apply principles for institutional philosophies and models, theoretical and ethical bases

for formal and informal education and training programs, and deepening roles in community

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 68

leadership. It can affect personal growth and transformation for both institutions and individuals

(Spears, 2005). He notes that in practice, SL is an important framework for long-term change and

effects by managers and leaders that prove efficient for quality improvement and systems

thinking. He admonishes readers that to create meaningful change, one should start with SL as

the foundation and build upon it with other approaches (Spears, 2005). Not all leadership

theories approach business or CED from a service perspective; yet, certain models seem to

demonstrate how leaders empower followers by example.

According to Maxwell (2007), unlike other governance models and theories, leaders as

servants are different because this approach focuses on how far they can advance and serve

others. The article “Best Practices in Servant Leadership” by Wong and Davey (2007) explains

how the concept of a leader as a servant has gained increasing acceptance in leadership and

organizational literature (p. 3). They recommend the SL approach in order to provide direction in

the marketplace (Wong & Davey, 2007, p. 2). Ebener and O’Connell (2010) write, “The servant

leader is more inclined…to empower rather than to flex positional power by commanding and

controlling the response of followers” (p. 332).

They continue by saying:

If leaders place themselves in humble service to their organization, recognize the gifts

and talents of others, and call them forth through empowering actions, then the people

will respond with organizational citizenship behaviors by helping each other, taking

initiative, participating in various activities, and taking responsibility to continuously

develop themselves as potential leaders of their organizations (Ebener & O’Connell,

2010, p. 332).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 69

Wong and Davey (2007) suggest that one needs to blend a servant’s heart with leadership skills,

abilities, and characteristics. The characteristics they must possess are 1) capacity for productive

work, 2) vision for the right direction, 3) intellect and knowledge, 4) people skills, 5) team-

builders, 6) motivators, 7) heart, 8) communicators, 9) optimists, 10) courage, 11) self-

knowledge, and lastly, 12) character (Wong & Davey, 2007, pp. 9-10). Using an SL approach

within faith-based organizations addresses the need for resources in CED.

Servant Leadership Profile Assessment:

I. Character-Orientation Being – What kind of person is the leader? Concerned with

cultivating a servant’s attitude, focusing on the leader’s values, credibility and motive.

II. People-Orientation (Relating: How does the leader relate to others?) Concerned with

developing human resources, focusing on the leader’s relationship with people and his/her

commitment to develop others.

III. Task-Orientation (Doing: What does the leader do?) Concerned with achieving

productivity and success, focusing on the leader’s tasks and skills necessary for success.

IV. Process-Orientation (Organizing: How does the leader impact organizational

processes?) Concerned with increasing the efficiency of the organization, focusing the

leader’s ability to model and develop a flexible, efficient and open system (Page & Wong,

2005, pp. 16-17).

The Law of Addition

Capacity building and effectiveness – law of the lid. According to Maxwell (2007),

personal and organizational effectiveness is proportionate to the strength of leadership and

abilities in people skills, planning and strategic thinking, vision, and results (pp. 8, 10). The

Annie E. Casey Foundation (2006) notes, “The pastor or ministry director’s experience,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 70

education, and ability to lead congregations or offer programming vary” (p. 2). With this

variance, it is hard to determine what the organization is in need of without an assessment.

Known as a leader’s lid is the principle that their ability determines the level of effectiveness

(Maxwell, 2007). This principle suggests that for the FBO to have great impact, the influence of

its leaders and organizational influence should be greater (Maxwell, 2007).

In fact, Clay and Jones (2009) recommend that leadership challenges be addressed as

first-phase CED practitioners who learned on the job are “aging out.” The research suggests that

“the leadership structure in community development is aging and nearing a natural transition

point” (Anglin, 2004, p. 14). Accordingly, the industry could benefit from standardization of

training efforts (Clay & Jones, 2009). “Supporters of this view…point to the perceived

dominance of professionals and intermediaries with expertise in real estate and economic

development instead of those with acute knowledge of, and passion for, the community” (Anglin,

2004, pp. 14-15). The author reports, “CDC practitioners express a significant desire to define

the scope and standards of their practice” because “it lacks professional definition, resulting in

the loss of talented people” (Anglin, 2004, p. 19). Perhaps using Harpst’s (2008) Six Disciplines

Methodology in the appendix can help in this process.

Other challenges include “The question of people of color in leadership positions”

(Anglin, 2004, p. 20). On one side, critics say not enough people of color lead CDCs where

people of color predominate, nor do many intermediaries and foundations have people of color in

significant leadership positions (Anglin, 2004, p. 21). Research suggests, “The assertion that

community development institutions need to reflect the communities they serve cannot be

disputed” (Anglin, 2004, p. 21). As in times past, the industry is still experiencing a number of

challenges (Clay & Jones, 2009) with ensuring that opportunities are available for community

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 71

members at a level playing field. According to Clay and Jones (2009), a human capital crisis

limits organizational capacity and there is a need to respond to the demands of funders,

intermediaries, and neighborhood residents.

Inspiration – the law of influence. As purported by Maxwell (2007), titles do not have

much value when it comes to leading; they can buy time, either to increase one’s level of

influence or undermine it. For him, some people emerge as leaders because of their character,

relationships, knowledge, intuition, experience, past success, and abilities. Hibels (as cited in

Maxwell, 2007) “believes that the church is the most leadership-intensive enterprise in society”

(p. 18). He goes on to say, “Positional leadership often doesn’t work in voluntary

organizations…the thing that works is leadership in its purest form: influence” (Maxwell, 2007,

pp. 18-19).

Development – the law of process. Leadership development is not a one-time event, but

a process. According to Maxwell (2007), daily development occurs through five phases of

growth, encourages development, matures people, is a culture issue, changes people, and is

difficult. In 2018, Gary Harpst’s Six Discipline Methodology evolved into a management system

for purpose-driven leaders, wherein “The foundation of the system is the Six Disciplines process.

It shows…leaders how to”

• clarify strategy,

• manage change,

• align for both “running and changing” the business,

• engage people in doing what is important each day,

• encourage continuous improvement, and

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 72

• implement organization development that prepares for the future (A Management

System, para. 5).

Ebener and O’Connell (2010) write, “The question of whether the people in an organization are

learning, growing, and developing as leaders is critical to the establishment of whether the

organization has servant leadership” (p. 330). They continue by saying, “Members of the clergy

study theology and philosophy in preparation for parish ministry, and then find themselves in

situations where they need to know more about leadership, management, and administration”

(Ebener & O’Connell, 2010, p. 331). Furthermore, Ebener and O’Connell (2010) write, “The

training provided for nonprofit managers and leaders is woefully inadequate to the challenges

that they will face…leaders in the church are attracted to…working with people, not doing

financial management or administrative paperwork (Kim, 2005)” (p. 331). Moreover, McKenna,

Yost, and Boyd (2007) write, “For pastors, leadership may not be captured in either doing what

is right or doing the right thing, but may be more effectively captured in significant life events

that have impacted not only their leadership, but their overall character, vocation, and sense of

identity.” Brinckerhoff (as cited in Ebener & O’Connell, 2010) suggests, “They are motivated by

mission, not money” (p. 331).

McBrient (as cited in Ebener & O’Connell, 2010) states, “To connect their work back to

mission…clergy need to open up more opportunities for laypeople to use the gifts and talents

they have toward the administration of the business side” (p. 331). Drucker (as cited in Ebener &

O’Connell, 2010) has “advised pastors to call forth leadership in laypeople to cover for their

possible weaknesses in areas such as financial management and to be mindful of their strengths

in other areas of ministry such as liturgy and faith formation” (p. 331).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 73

Finally, Ebener & O’Connell (2010) write, “many nonprofit organizations, including the

Catholic church, are hierarchical organizations where the power distance between those in

management and those on the front lines is not conducive to the elements of servant leadership”

(p. 331). To reiterate they state, “Servant leadership begins with a motivation to serve rather than

to be served” (Ebener & O’Connell, 2010, p. 331). Ebener & O’Connell (2010) also suggest,

once a leader embraces that approach and uses the behaviors it will transform the culture and the

structure.

On another note, Reinelt and McGonagill (2009) write, “Instead of just focusing on

individual leader development – it is increasingly attractive to consider four other levels of

leadership investment: the team level, the organization level, the community level and the field

level” (p. 1). They continue by saying that although an individual may be responsible for the

performance of an organization and the influences of those within it, various approaches may

increase the capacity to produce results. The Leadership Development Investment Framework

(McGonagill & Reinelt, 2010) is just one of many tools used to assist in programs and initiatives

that contribute to the growth of leaders; it “has five types of capacity development that can be

supported and catalyzed at each level: individual capacity, team capacity, organizational

capacity, network capacity and systems change capacity” (p. 5).

Power – the law of empowerment. Maxwell (2007) describes the law of empowerment

in this way: “only secure leaders give power to others” (p. 141). This power can range from

decision-making and so on; but more specifically, he writes that it includes empowering them

“by identifying leaders; building them up; giving them resources, authority, and responsibility;

and then turning them loose to achieve” (Maxwell, 2007, p. 145). The three main reasons he

gives that impede these actions and serve as barriers to empowerment are a desire for job

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 74

security, resistance to change, and lack of self-worth (Maxwell, 2007, pp. 145-146). He writes,

“The main ingredient for empowering others is a high belief in people,” suggesting that “If you

believe in others, they will believe in themselves” (Maxwell, 2007, p. 150).

Vision – the law of buy-in. Maxwell (2007) believes that “People buy into the leader,

then the vision,” and “Having an understanding of that changes your whole approach to leading

people” (p. 171). In other words, if people buy into you, then they buy into the vision you

represent. He goes on to say, “Every message that people receive is filtered through the

messenger who delivers it… You cannot separate leaders from the causes they promote”

(Maxwell, 2007, pp. 172-173). The leader should think about how to earn credibility with

individuals and “Develop a strategy with each person. If you make it your primary goal to add

value to all of them, your credibility factor will rise rapidly” through some of the following

ways:

• developing a good relationship with them,

• being honest and authentic and developing trust,

• holding yourself to high standards and setting a good example,

• giving them the tools to do their job better, and

• developing them as leaders (Maxwell, 2007, p. 178).

Understanding how the organization works and the roles within it in order to increase

buy-in and maximize the use of all resources—especially time, talent, and treasure—is crucial.

Though this is not always easy, it is possible through the acts of planning, communicating, and

executing the vision. The more people involved in this process, the better the chances of it being

innovative, strategic, and realistic. Too often leaders and managers take on these roles

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 75

themselves and then face challenges with execution and evaluation. Consequently, it leaves the

organization at a disadvantage to pursue funding, collaborations, and meeting community needs.

All organizations should have a strategic vision; FBOs are not exempt. Harpst (2008)

provides the Six Disciplines Methodology as one example of how to build organizations that

execute strategies through processes, coaching, software, and leadership development.

Planning – the law of navigation. Brinckerhoff (1999) explains that planning in all its

various forms is a skill that good managers need to learn and practice regularly. In doing so he

suggests that we can organize ourselves and better realize what God wants us to do

(Brinckerhoff, 1999, pp. 191-192). He believes that good stewardship demands careful planning,

assessment of community wants and needs, looking at the organization thoroughly, and figuring

out what the focus should be (Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 132). Brinckerhoff (1999) purports, “if you

don’t know where you are going, the only way you get there is by accident” (p. 192). He

continues by explaining how “developing plans…makes good use of your resources and

embodies your responsibilities as a steward” (Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 192). Though no one can

guarantee that circumstances will remain the same, there should still be a sense of focus and

purpose for your organization.

Knowing the number of benefits from the planning process, according to Brinckerhoff

(1999), may allow you to get ahead of the curve as you stay abreast of the trends, anticipate

future changes, and then customize the services to fit the market. He writes, “Good planning

keeps you from reacting to and chasing needs” (Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 194). Secondly, planning

as a benefit allows for opportunities to coordinate activities as you set goals, identify tasks, and

move toward implementation. Thirdly, it allows for a culture that is participatory, which

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 76

decreases conflict since others take ownership in the process. Brinckerhoff (1999) states, it “can

become an excellent communications tool” (p. 195).

Through the process of planning, FBOs should consider a few things according to

Brinckerhoff (1999):

1. Get Ready

2. Retreat or Advance

3. Gather Information

4. Set Goal and Objectives

5. Get Outside Comment

6. Final Draft and Adoption

7. Implementation and Evaluation

8. Start Over

9. Planning Timeline

Brinckerhoff (1999) says that good planning helps practitioners find the way to best use the gifts

they have to do God’s will in an efficient, effective way (p. 216). Individuals need to get outside

comments and include people in their plans and organization (Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 217). The

planning process should include strategic, marketing, and capital plans and integrated

management of the FBO. This positions the organization to be able to sustain activities on a

long-term basis.

Another way to say it is that there needs to be an organized strategy with a plan to

innovatively execute, repeatedly learning from the process. Harpst (2008) writes that there

should be a holistic approach to running an organization, earlier referred to as the Six Disciplines

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 77

Methodology. It is “a series of cycles: annually, quarterly, weekly, and daily” (Harpst, 2008, p.

95).

He writes, “Sustainability, the capacity of an organization to maintain the necessary

balance between strategy and execution…requires a complete program consisting of four tightly-

integrated elements” (Harpst, 2008, p. 78). They include a repeatable methodology,

accountability coaching, execution system, and community learning (Harpst, 2008, pp. 78-79).

The author suggests that these elements drive organizational learning and understanding

and provide nurture to stay the course, a system in which to engage everyone, and opportunity to

share and reinforce best practices (Harpst, 2008, pp. 78-79).

Management Theory

Leadership and management. Harpst (2008) writes, a business made of people,

strategy, business processes, technology, and expertise requires purpose, careful design,

management, and maintenance. It is not just necessary to examine leadership; one must also look

at managerial competencies. In addition, McKenna, Yost, and Boyd (2007) in their analysis of

pastoral interviews examining the learning agility of development, reveal factors and strategies

including management. The situational factors and personal strategy taxonomies built on

previous research identifies elements in the ability of leaders to learn from experience. They fall

into five broad categories: Drawing on God and Others, Learning from Results, Stepping to the

Edge, Managing the Ministry, and Managing Change (McKenna, Yost, & Boyd, 2007, p. 198).

They write, “Supportive organizational cultures (4.0%) created an environment where the pastor

could grow and develop…negative challenges also served as powerful developmental catalysts”

(McKenna, Yost, & Boyd, 2007, p. 196).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 78

Management in practice. Qehaja, Kutllovci, and Pula (2017) write, “Various authors

have presented a different number of tools for strategic analysis by specifying them as a guide

for managers” (p. 586). Stonehouse and Pemberton (as cited in Qehaja, Kutllovci, & Pula, 2017)

state, “strategic management can be conceptualized as a set of theories and frameworks,

supported by tools and techniques, designed to assist managers of organizations in thinking,

planning and acting strategically” (p. 585). For the purposes of this study, the primary focus is on

Faith-Based Management: Leading Organizations That Are Based on More Than Just Mission

framework that is part of Peter C. Brinckerhoff’s Mission-Based Management Series.

Brinckerhoff’s (1999) Faith-Based Management book suggests that there are guidelines

for FBOs that include “proven management strategies and techniques developed at some of the

world’s most successful places of worship and faith-based service organizations. It also supplies

a complete action plan for quickly implementing them in your organization” (n. p.).

Yaghi (2007) presents in his Islamic case study several values associated with FBOs that

require some consideration as it relates to management and organizational culture. He writes that

there are “three major sets of values that dictate the process and outcomes of various

decisions…which [shape]…behavior, namely: (1) solidarity and cohesiveness; (2) guardianship

and managerial tasks as spiritual duties and religious obligations; and (3) emphasizing the

organizational mission and values” (Yaghi, 2007, p. 361). Middleton (as cited in Yaghi, 2007)

notes, “In order to understand the linkages between internal and external forces…management

should secure continuity, stability, and integrity within the institution by focusing on the

organization’s survival as the ultimate goal of the management” (p. 359).

After the organization grows, there is still a concern that the pioneers use their seniority,

dedication of time, and resources of influence to transfer their values to the organization. Yaghi

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 79

(2007) explains, others assume “that adhering to these values is the best way to manage, make

decisions, and achieve organizational goals,” but that is not necessarily the case (p. 366). “If the

same group of people remains in power for a long time, the organization might develop

vulnerability to hosting an organizational culture that enhances rigid patterns of decision making

and management” (Yaghi, 2007, p. 366). According to Yaghi (2007), “although volunteerism

tends to dominate the staffing traditions in small faith-based organizations, certain training and

professional mentorship should be put in place to provide the staff with professional skills” (p.

366).

Furthermore, “Training and development can also improve the relationship between

founders and constituents by regulating managerial practices and separating them from the

founders” (Yaghi, 2007, p. 367). In other words, the author explains, “preparing qualified

volunteers to manage the organization would replace the founder-decision maker model with a

new model that is constructed around the idea of professionalism and qualified managerial staff”

(Yaghi, 2007, pp. 367-368). Thus, “developing a strong system of accountability where

management and decision making are separated from those individuals who founded the

organization would institutionalize Islamic centers and enhance constituents’ confidence in

them” (Yaghi, 2007, p. 368). These principals can also apply to other FBOs.

Wong and Davey (2007) provide two new approaches to management that may assist

FBOs as they shift from just process and outcome to people and the future. Each approach is

explored further in the following paragraphs. The researcher provides an overview of how

“positive psychology” and “servant leadership” assist with the soft skills necessary to empower

and transform individuals, families, and communities.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 80

Managerial competencies. Boyatzis (2011) explains, “Outstanding leaders, managers,

advanced professionals and people in key jobs, from sales to bank tellers, appear to require three

clusters of behavioral habits as threshold abilities and three clusters of competencies as

distinguishing outstanding performance. The threshold clusters include”

1) expertise and experience,

2) knowledge (i.e., declarative, procedural, functional, and meta-cognitive), and

3) an assortment of basic cognitive competencies such as memory and deductive

reasoning (Boyatzis, 2011, p. 92).

He furthered purports, “Competencies can be considered to be a behavioral approach to

emotional, social, and cognitive intelligence. They are defined…as used in the ESCI and ESCI-U

[phases]” (Boyatzis, 2011, p. 92). Boyatzis (2011) notes, “Emotional Intelligence, Social

Intelligence, and Cognitive Intelligence (i.e., EI, SI, and CI) are convenient phrases with which

to focus attention on the underlying emotional and social components of human talent” (p. 92).

The author notes that, “Knowing the point at which a person’s use of a competency tips them

into outstanding performance provides vital guidance to managers and leaders” (Boyatzis, 2011,

p. 92).

Managerial discipline. Harpst (2008) writes, “The majority of us just don’t know how to

put together all the key steps of strategy, planning, organizational alignment, execution

management, innovation and measurement” (p. 36). Therefore, it requires knowledge and

practice of certain business disciplines. He explains that through interviews, issues such as

“communication, accountability, alignment, leadership transition, and control” surfaced (Harpst,

2008, p. 26). Peter Senge (as cited in Harpst, 2008) notes, “Systems thinking is a discipline for

seeing wholes. It is a framework for seeing interrelationships rather than things, for seeing

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 81

patterns of change rather than static snapshots” (p. 35). He identifies several other disciplines

such as Business Intelligence (BI) and Performance Management (PM) that he purports are

generally only affordable to larger companies. Through research, he designed the Six

Disciplines® For Excellence, which “identified six fundamental disciplines that need to be

incorporated into a single, repeatable methodology. These disciplines include setting strategy,

developing plans, organizing and aligning resources, managing execution, enabling innovation,

and encouraging organizational learning” (Harpst, 2008, p. 94). Harpst (2008) claims, “every

organization that is serious about excellence and execution must practice some defined

methodology as the foundation of its efforts” (p. 94).

Strategic vision. Harpst (2008) suggests that many business leaders talk about their

vision, the first discipline, and possibilities, “But they don’t like taking the time to plan the steps

for getting there” (p. 104). He submits that not just faith-based leaders or managers struggle with

this, and “this tendency…exists in everyone else within the organization” (Harpst, 2008, p. 104).

Leaders and managers are key to understanding the vision with the “company community”

(Harpst, 2008, p. 149), and they should be attentive to achievement and progress. Furthermore,

Bolman and Deal (2013) explain, “Symbols take many forms in organizations. Myth, vision, and

values imbue an organization with deep purpose and resolve” (p. 248). Consequently, it is not

enough to talk about the vision; a greater emphasis should be placed on being strategic in

achieving it. Lastly, they write, “Vision turns an organization’s core ideology, or sense of

purpose, into an image of the future. It is a shared fantasy, illuminating new possibilities within

the realms of myths and values…it imbues an organization with spirit, resolve, and elan”

(Bolman & Deal, 2013, p. 250).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 82

Initiate change. Initiating change is not always easy; it depends on the types of change,

the management of the steps, and the team involved in it. This is true for organizations and

communities. There needs to be a framework of some kind that has proven to be successful. The

discipline of “having a repeatable document business-building methodology is the accumulation

of knowledge by individuals and teams. Defining a process and then documenting changes to

that process reinforces the learning” (Harpst, 2008, p. 98). According to Harpst (2008), “we need

others to help make change last within our organizations” (p. 108). He further explains that

though setting strategy and operating goals is the responsibility of senior leadership, the teams

are responsible for the implementation. That is why it is important to incorporate best practices

that incorporate what Worstell states (as cited in Harpst, 2008) as “continuous improvement, and

an empowered workforce exercising ownership, responsibility, and accountability” (p. vi).

Whiteside, Tseyb, and Cadet-James’ (2011) research illustrates this concept in the following

framework: it is “Congruent with Wallerstein’s (1992) ecological approach to empowerment, the

attributes featured across individual, team, organisation, and social domains…[which] can be

used to engage, stimulate, reflect, monitor, and evaluate transdisciplinary teams and

organisational change” (pp. 230-231).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 83

Table 1

A Framework for Transdisciplinary Teamwork

Note. Reprinted from A framework for transdisciplinary teamwork, by Whiteside, M., Tseyb, K.,
and Cadet-James, Y., 2011, Australian Social Work, 64(2), 230.

Align all systems. Harpst (2008) explains, “The majority of us just don’t know how to

put together all the key steps of strategy, planning, organizational alignment, execution

management, innovation, and measurement” (p. 36). The author recommends a balanced

scorecard to help “align business activities with strategy and monitor performance toward

strategy goals” (Harpst, 2008, p. 65). He adds, “As the business changes, the ‘current’ approach

slowly becomes less aligned with other goals of the company” (Harpst, 2008, p. 66). This

alignment should include activities, people, processes, decisions, resources, and priorities

(Harpst, 2008). He writes, “In a perfectly aligned organization, all of these items would fit

together with no wasted energy or effort” (Harpst, 2008, p. 114).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 84

Staff and Volunteers

Together, towards one goal. Harpst (2008) defines teamwork as a subgroup with a

shared purpose who depends on each other to learn and grow. According to him, “An

organization’s leadership team is the small group of senior leadership who are ultimately

responsible for the overall direction of the company…this group makes the critical choices that

determine strategy, including mission, values, strategic position, and the goals statement”

(Harpst, 2008, p. 145). He continues in saying, “The group’s decisions, leadership, and

management skills have a huge impact on the success of the organization” (Harpst, 2008, pp.

145-146). Harpst (2008) explains that there is another community of importance responsible for

the organization engaged as part of this discipline of teamwork. It includes “the middle layer of

organizations…with a special set of interests and characteristics…called initiative teams”

(Harpst, 2008, p. 146).

Improve quality and process. Harpst (2008) purports, “Over the past several decades, a

variety of programs, initiatives, and standards have evolved specific to quality improvement,

performance, and business excellence” (p. 49). For FBOs this is important for organizational

advancement. He continues to write, “The initial success of a business depends primarily on the

ability to build top quality products or services” (Harpst, 2008, p. 92). Quality management is

one of the six fundamental disciplines; if one of the perceptions that hinders FBOs from

engaging in CED is about quality, and if it “varies unacceptably, the actual steps completed can

be compared to the steps listed in the process to eliminate process errors as a possible cause”

(Harpst, 2008, p. 100).

Accountability and measuring performance. Bolman and Deal (2013) purport that a

single person within an organization is not the only one responsible and accountable for ensuring

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 85

effective tasks, processes, and circumstances for satisfaction. Although it is a focus of leaders

and managers, the team should share the weight. They also explain how achieving this comes

through performance control measures that “motivate individual efforts, particularly when

targets are reasonably clear and calculable” (Harpst, 2008, p. 53). Harpst (2008) suggests that

there should be a scorecard of some kind, so as “to translate a mission statement and overall

business strategy into specific, quantifiable goals, and to measure the organization’s

performance” (p. 55). Harden (2006) also explains how the faith-based program theory model

might guide policymakers in establishing new guidelines for supporting and evaluating faith-

based programs. The theory aims to evaluate “all spiritual and/or activities based on religious

beliefs and values of a faith” “along with other contextual factors that influence components for

transformational purposes” (Harden, 2006, pp. 484, 487). Lastly, the authors describe how action

planning is connected to measuring results, as they note that it “specifies methods and time

frames for decisions and actions” and “works best when it is easier to assess how a job is done

than to measure its products” (Harpst, 2008, p. 54).

Communication. In Perkin’s (1995) book Restoring At-Risk Communities: Doing It

Together & Doing It Right, within his “concept of the proclamation of the gospel known as the

‘wheel of ministry,’” he explains that “effective communication of the message of salvation

consists of five parts: call, evangelism, social action, economic development, and justice, all

grounded in the church” (pp. 37-38). Brinckerhoff (1999) writes that in order to communicate

our intentions, wishes, and beliefs more clearly, there must be trust, an understanding of what the

other person hears, the ability to listen, and a willingness to practice successful techniques (p.

148). He writes, “In Communication…the most important part of the equation is trust and

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 86

successful communications go hand in hand with a supervision philosophy that sees management

as a support function rather than a fiefdom” (Brinckerhoff, 1999, p. 158).

Program theory. Harden (2006) proposes a new faith-based program evaluation theory

and tools to demonstrate limited differences in FBOs’ ability to achieve effective outcomes. He

determines that religious beliefs and values do not have to conflict with systems and processes

and can be operationalized without affecting those who evaluate them (Harden, 2006, p. 483).

According to Harden (2006), “the outcomes may be social and/or spiritual in nature because of

the program components that make up the intervention as a whole” (p. 487). Although many

would agree that “cross-participation in secular and spiritual activities could affect the program

outcomes,” the author is clear that they are two distinctive factors (Harden, 2006, p. 492). Lastly,

Harden (2006) writes:

By reducing the number of variables related to religious beliefs and values to normative

program logic and contextual patterns, we may be able to measure how and when faith

and spirituality make a difference in social interventions of faith-based organizations (p.

502).

McDavid and Hawthorn (as cited in Guyadeen & Seasons, 2018) describe programs, generally,

as a means to an end whereby resources are transformed into activities to produce an intended

outcome. Guyadeen and Seasons (2018) explain, though “the scale at which programs operate

can vary—for example, international, national, or local—they include a defined set of activities

needed to achieve an objective” (p. 99). Many use programs as tools to strategically accomplish

CED goals.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 87

Using the proper tools to measure and evaluate programs is essential for not only FBOs

but any use of public and private funds. It is important for an investigator to consider a theory

specifically designed for faith-based evaluation to demonstrate impact. Harden (2006) writes:

An investigator’s lack of understanding regarding faith and spirituality can be a serious

hindrance to responsible systematic inquiry in faith-based program evaluation.

Developing an understanding of the essentials of what constitutes a faith-based

organization, a faith-based program, and faith and spirituality is a reasonable and

necessary requirement to impose on program evaluators. Therefore, before offering the

new conceptual framework and tools for conducting faith-based program evaluation, a

brief discussion about three basic essentials is needed to establish a minimal level of

competence for potential evaluators (p. 484).

Harden (2006) writes, “First, it is essential to understand what constitutes a faith-based

organization and a faith-based program” (p. 484). He also posits, “The second essential is in

understanding the extent to which faith and spirituality may be components of a faith-based

program” (Harden, 2006, p. 485). Lastly, he notes, “The third essential to understand is how

spiritual transformation is conceptualized in view of the action that is taken” such as CED

(Harden, 2006, p. 486).

Review, adjust, and excel: Organizational development. According to an online blog,

another action of leadership and management is to use the discipline of Organizational

Development to determine capabilities for growth. Six Disciplines writes:

Leaders work together to conduct a thorough self-examination of external factors over

which the organization has no control including trends related to regulations, the

economy, technology and competitors. Internally the group evaluates gaps between

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 88

current and best practices. They also consider how well the current strategy is being

executed and separately whether the current strategy is a good one. Added to this is an

evaluation of the strength of people in the organization (2018, para. 9).

Identification of Gaps and Limitations of the Literature

Considering gaps and limitations of the literature is important to any body of research. It

is necessary to note that the literature fails to provide recent works on faith-based management.

The main resource published in 1999 has no updated editions nor competitive materials. While

this is true, it does provide practitioners with applicable best practices, templates, and systematic

instructions to implement certain management skills. Secondly, much of the literature specific to

FBOs’ involvement in CED is also outdated. Lastly, research written between the years of 2000

and 2008 regarding this phenomenon may no longer apply since it clearly presents data specific

to that political and socio-economic period. Consequently, there are limitations as to the progress

made in measuring the participation and evaluation of FBOs, their organizational capacity, and

their ability to maintain efforts on a long-term basis.

Chapter Summary

This literature review provides a critical analysis of this study’s research, showing the

connection of FBOs engaged in development initiatives such as CED. It demonstrates that with

any type of development, certain key factors or characteristics determine the success of an

economic strategy. Leadership and management of these initiatives are important as well as

including the whole community. Entwistle (2008) writes, “Successful community development

necessitates the involvement of the entire community” (p. 4). That idea includes those within the

faith communities. Sustainability of successful initiatives is often challenging due to different

perceptions and limits to long-term systematic processes. CED is no different and requires

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 89

residents, business owners, FBOs, and the support of the government to meet the strategic

objectives.

Former President Barack Obama encouraged support at each level of government to

include FBOs as strategic partners to tackle the growing needs of the economic challenges,

although it remains to be seen how long these initiatives will continue. This review of literature

shows the existence of environmental influences which put pressure on organizational

performance, impact, and strategy (Anderson, 2016; Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011). Some FBOs

have the capacity to enter into strategic arrangements with the government like a “3P”—Public-

Private Partnership. Others may benefit from additional support to do so. Yet, the research

proves that FBOs may be great resources to strengthen these initiatives locally, regionally, and

nationally while also increasing the capacity of individuals and community.

The function of FBOs is generally on a local level, unlike that of a federal or state

governmental organization; but that does not negate how their efforts help sustain broader

efforts. Most of their activities relate to building the capacity of individuals, which in turn

strengthens the human and social capital for the community and region. This is one way to

demonstrate the relationship between economic development and an FBO. Some authors define

capacity as “essential to innovation and entrepreneurship” (Feldman et al., 2014, p. 17). They

continue to suggest, “The greater the capacity in the total population, the more likely that

unexpected ideas can take hold and innovation will eventually successfully propel the economy

forward” (Feldman et al., 2014, p. 18).

Their argument is “that government has a vital role in promoting capacities that enable

the fullest variety of human endeavors and potential, including a variety that cannot be foreseen”

(Feldman et al., 2014, p. 18).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 90

Those occupying the middle and lower rungs of the income distribution are unable to

follow the American Dream because they lack the capacities to fully participate in the

economy. If this cycle continues there’s potential for subsequently ever greater

divergence in the income and opportunity, leaving those who are disadvantaged less able

to gain access to education, finance and opportunity. Moreover, as Brenner and Pastor

(2013) emphasizes, the increasingly unequal distribution of income inhibits

entrepreneurship, slows economic growth and destabilizes the economy of American

cities (Feldman et al., 2014, p. 19).

This is why FBOs must play a vital role in CED as a partner to governments, universities,

private companies, and other stakeholders for the greater good. First, the role of the private

sector, as Feldman et al. (2014) explain, is to make money and survive. Second, society is

concerned about what would increase the quality of life, which the authors describe as “the

ultimate vision of economic development for democratic governments” (Feldman et al., 2014, p.

19). Third, Feldman et al. (2014) continue with the important point that “prosperity and quality

of life are synonymous with the concept of the good life, which encompasses a sense of material

comfort as well as psychological satisfaction and health (Lane, 1999)” (p. 19). The conclusive

information suggests that there is a need to increase the capacity of individuals in the community

and those serving it; FBOs engaged in CED activities is an option.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 91

Chapter Three

This qualitative study uses semi-structured interviews to illuminate the experiences,

perceptions, and challenges of FBOs engaged in CED in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania.

Through the selection of two organizational assessment tools, the researcher sought to identify

certain characteristics within FBOs that are consistent with management and leadership

strategies according to Brinckerhoff (1999) and Cornelius and Wolfred (2011). This chapter

reviews the investigative methods used to understand the phenomenon of FBOs, how religious

expression influences engagement, and procedural techniques to collect data.

Purpose of the Study

Through examining FBOs that have engaged in CED, the researcher illuminates

strategies and techniques for success that provide the opportunity to fill gaps in the field. For

example, there appears to be an existing gap in the operational practices of management,

theoretical consideration of empowerment for FBOs, and regional interest of this topic. FBOs

should engage in CED because of the natural tendency to assist the underserved and

neighborhoods that lack resources. The findings can serve as a model for other organizations and

practitioners, as they provide evidence to support how religiosity does not have to reduce

engagement when incorporated with appropriate leadership and management best practices.

Confirmed by Mason (2002), this “Qualitative research aims to produce rounded and

contextual understandings on the basis of rich, nuanced and detailed data” (p. 3) regarding FBOs.

Through a series of investigative methods including semi-structured interviews and an archival

data analysis, the qualitative case study approach allows the researcher to illuminate the

experiences, perceptions, and challenges that FBOs face when engaged in CED activities.

Although contrary to much of the previous research primarily related to methodology to evaluate

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 92

the operations and outcomes of faith-based social service programs, as Belfield and Cleveland

(2013) explain, this type of inquiry expands the body of scholarly knowledge related to CED.

Research Design

A reasonable way to examine this phenomenon is to design qualitative research using a

case study approach. Creswell (2006) believes that this “involves the study of an issue explored

through one or more cases within a bounded system” (p. 73), such as within the context of FBO

engagement in CED. Mason (2002) explains that the sense of concern with how the social world

is interpreted, understood, and experienced is one example of the qualitative nature of this type

of research. Further, a case study approach, according to Yin (1989), allows an investigation to

retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real-life events such as organizational and

managerial processes. On this point, Creswell (2014) notes that it is a design of inquiry in which

the researcher develops an in-depth analysis of a case, often an activity of one or more

individuals.

As one of five primary qualitative research designs, this strategy to use a case study

seemed most appropriate to provide specific direction for procedures (Creswell, 2014) that focus

on meaningful elements in a complex social world (Mason, 2002). FBOs are complex in many

ways, but most familiarly in their religious association. In practice, this design prepares

researchers, as Mason (2002) writes, to identify which organization, practices, policies, people,

and documents to examine. Creswell (2014) writes, “The historic origin for qualitative research

comes from anthropology, sociology, the humanities, and evaluation” (p. 42). Mason (2002)

suggests that a common element of this design should be “Based on methods of data generation

which are both flexible and sensitive to the social context in which data are produced” (p. 3).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 93

The intended outcome from this qualitative research strategy takes longer, as it requires

greater clarity of goals during the design stages. Moreover, unlike the analysis of running a

computer program like a quantitative study, as Berg (2009) explains, it is more important to

determine the quality of the FBOs’ activities in CED. He writes, “Quality refers to the what,

how, when, and where of a things…certain experiences cannot be meaningfully expressed by

numbers” (Berg, 2009, p. 3) in understanding empirical results. As with any other research, Berg

(2009) confirms that the purpose is to discover answers through systematic procedures. It allows

the researcher to examine various social settings and the individuals within them (Berg, 2009).

Therefore, he further explains that it provides a means of access to unquantifiable facts and an

opportunity to talk to representatives of the organization of study. Not only that, it allows

researchers to discuss “processes human beings use to create and maintain their social realities,”

which are derived from “symbolic interactionist perspective” (Berg, 2009, p. 9).

Symbolic interactionist perspective from Berg’s (2009) view “involves a set of related

propositions that describes and explains aspects of human behavior that is learned and

communicated in linguistic symbols. These symbols may include sounds and gestures that mean

something to a group of individuals, which somehow need to be interpreted from a research

standpoint. Thus, with many FBOs there generally are terms, objects, and rituals that only make

sense to those associated with them and their religious culture. Berg (2009) explains that (as

cited in Blumer, 1969) symbolic interaction is the account of meaning for human beings that may

be intrinsic through various things and experiences which must be understood as social products

formed through such activities (p. 10). It is also called the Chicago School Orientation as Berg

(2009) explains, which evolved into other perspectives and resulted in several tools such as The

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 94

Twenty Statements Test (TST) that answers the question “Who am I?” and provides a measure of

self-concepts (p. 11).

Therefore, the design of this research is an appropriate strategy due to the nature of

qualitative research and case studies. The Naturalistic Paradigm, as purported by Lincoln and

Guba (1989), which was founded on a relativist ontology, “mandates an openness with

respondents that precludes deceiving and objectifying them” (p. 227). The authors argue that

inquirers respond to twin problems of positivism by having no underlying premises of the way

things work or one single truth. Instead, the research becomes about a shared experience,

perception, or challenge; thus, to use deception in the study would be counterproductive (Lincoln

& Guba, 1989, p. 227).

From a researcher standpoint, it is necessary to use this approach in understanding the

meanings of the individuals, practitioners, FBOs, and other stakeholders in order to reveal

generalizable patterns of their behavior (Berg, 2009). As with the previously mentioned TST, it

assists the researcher to reveal certain capacities that allow individuals and organizations to

develop and employ symbols in aspects of the world around them (Berg, 2009, p. 13). Similarly,

it helps to categorize them in an external and internal manner. Berg (2009) notes that it can make

sense of the patterns found, assists in examining the Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Theory,

and acts as a signpost for the research questions to predict what will be learned in the study

(Creswell, 2014).

For example, the structured questions help the researcher qualitatively understand the

phenomenon and existing literature (Berg, 2009). In addition, Creswell (2014) suggests that in

this type of study, inquirers state research questions in two forms to explore a central

phenomenon and sub-questions used during interviews or observing documents (p. 185). Stake

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 95

(2010) suggests that the question should come before the method because you “ask what do you

need to know; then, how to go about finding it” (p. 72). He notes that the research question helps

the researcher to organize by content that informs what method of inquiry to use and separates it

from the researcher’s own expertise.

There are several ways this assists the researcher in getting answers, learning better how

to research, and collecting and analyzing data. Stake (2010) argues that our understanding of the

phenomenon studied may be fragmented and context-bound if the researcher organizes their

thoughts around the methods (p. 71). In order to become more specialized in the field of CED, it

is important to frame questions and research in a way that lays out the plan for gathering data and

performing an analysis. The organization of the research around the questions instead results

from reading relevant content and the associated knowledge gained. In this type of study, Stake

(2010) proposes that researchers should ask questions of substance and novelty, that answer

questions they are curious about, and that relate somehow to other research in the field. He

continues by advising researchers to “Begin the research questions with the words what or how

to convey an open and emerging design” (Stake, 2010, p. 185). Furthermore, he also explains

that this type of study might require many pages of description to answer questions of quality, as

well as to explain how they articulated and interpreted the data that led to the generalizations.

Stake (2010) explains that qualitative data require various methods and do not fit easily

into statistical analysis; therefore, the methods selected for gathering data fit the research

question and style of inquiry the researcher prefers (pp. 89-90). From a practitioner’s standpoint,

there are reasons to use interviews as a method to collect data, as it allows opportunities to obtain

unique information, collect a numerical aggregation of that information, and find out more about

CED.

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Methodology

The purposely selected methodology helps to obtain and analyze the results of the data.

First, there is a restatement of the research problem and a reiteration of the underlying

assumptions (Organizing Your Socials Sciences, 2018). Second, the details of the different

methods chosen to investigate the problem are articulated. Third, the researcher provides an

overview of how the data collected by the semi-structured interviews and archival data analysis

offer a range of ways to answer the research questions (Organizing Your Socials Sciences,

2018). Accordingly, it shows how the chosen methods assist in the aim of the study. Also

included is a discussion of problems that occurred and ways other researchers might adopt and

replicate the study (Organizing Your Socials Sciences, 2018). Lastly, the section exemplifies

how the interpretative group of methods focus on understanding the phenomenon of FBOs

engaged in CED in a comprehensive, holistic way (Organizing Your Socials Sciences, 2018).

In undertaking a case study of this nature, the researcher understands that the results

might assist policymakers, foundations, and other stakeholders in larger economic plans for the

greater Pittsburgh region. It provides relevant information pertaining to how religiosity

influences the leadership, management, programming, and sustainability of FBOs and why there

appears to be a lack in capacity to engage in CED. It documents the CED practitioners’,

partners’, participants’, and other stakeholders’ internal and external perceptions, experiences,

and challenges, providing a holistic way to examine FBOs’ engagement in literature. The

researcher obtained the information through semi-structured interviews and an analysis of

archival data from several pre-selected sites.

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Research Site

According to Creswell (2010), “Qualitative researchers tend to collect data in the field at

the site where participants experience the issue or problem under study,” called a ‘natural

setting’ (p. 234). Therefore, the sites chosen for this study include several FBOs in the greater

Pittsburgh region that have engaged in CED. Another qualification for participation in the study

is based on the level of access provided to review organizational, governance, and other

necessary documents that inform the research. In addition, the researcher required that

participants of the site consent to data collection methods of stakeholders such as administrators,

employees, partners, recipients of services, or funding sources.

With this in mind, the following sites were selected:

• a non-FBO, referred to as a local government office of Shelbyville engaged in a faith-

based partnership on behalf of the city’s mayor;

• a non-profit center, referred to a Jonestown, established to create financial wealth and

jobs and provide opportunities for skill building, entrepreneurship, or another means;

• an umbrella department of an educational facility affiliated with a national church

later referred to as Fredericksville;

• a national affiliate FBO that focuses its efforts on providing opportunities for self-

reliance to individuals and helping them acquire access, skills, and financial

education; and

• Dublinville, a Christian-based church that focuses most of its services around its

surrounding community as a direct legacy of its original founder with several profit-

generating subdivisions.

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The organizations identified to participate in the study include one government

organization with access to most of the faith-based activity in the region, two faith-based

community organizations with very different geographical challenges, one multicultural

educational facility with urban focused intiatiatives, and a local national affiliate non-profit.

These organizations engage in various ways throughout the region, and therefore, participated in

the study. The intent in selecting the different types of organizations is to illuminate different

perceptions, approaches, and experiences.

Research Questions

The case study is the methodological approach used to illuminate the perceptions,

experiences, and challenges of FBOs engaged in CED. It investigates FBOs as critical sources

for economic development activities that help provide job readiness skills, access to

employment, education, business ownership, and wealth building in impoverished

neighborhoods. As recommended by Creswell (2010), the researcher asked three central

questions to guide the inquiry:

1) What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate to effectively

contribute to the sustainability of CED?

2) What perceived management challenges do FBOs face related to the implementation

of programs and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED?

3) What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to religiosity while

engaged or attempting to engage in CED?

Researcher Bias

The most appropriate way to evaluate data and provide an accurate validation of findings

is to implement strategies in a study. This approach demonstrates aspects of the study’s validity

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 99

and reliability. It ensures insight for readers that is dependable because of relevant findings.

Gibbs (as cited in Creswell, 2014) writes, “Qualitative validity means that the researcher checks

for the accuracy of the findings by employing certain procedures, while qualitative reliability

indicates that the researcher’s approach is consistent across different researchers and different

projects” (p. 251). With a case study research design, the expected findings include an in-depth

description of the themes that emerged (Clark & Creswell, 2015).

The design affords readers with the specific number of strategies used to ensure the

accuracy and credibility of the findings (Clark & Creswell, 2015) and methods employed, such

as the following: (a) acknowledgement of bias—self-reflection on personal views and

experiences and works to set them aside, (b) triangulation—using corroborating evidence, and c)

detailed descriptions. Creswell (2014) notes that it is important to communicate in a clear,

straightforward manner and use appropriate language. This is accomplished in this study by

avoiding language or words that are biased against persons because of gender, sexual orientation,

racial or ethnic group, disability, age, or religious beliefs.

Additionally, a description of the researcher’s bias on the topic is noted from both a

personal and professional standpoint. According to Creswell (2014), “in qualitative research, the

role of the researcher as the primary data collection instrument necessitates the identification of

personal values, assumptions and biases at the outset of the study” (p. 256). Additionally, there is

a discussion of the plan to manage potential bias.

Influenced by a desire to apply the skills, knowledge, and practices obtained through the

doctoral processes and other educational opportunities, the researcher intends to work within the

industry of CED. Specifically, the researcher intends to help address unique challenges related to

entrepreneurship, small business performance, workforce development, non-profit capacity

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building, and connections to resources. As a lifelong Pittsburgh resident with an awareness of the

city’s transformations, there is an interest in a revitalized and diversified economy. The

perceptions of the conditions of poverty and challenges within the communities are shaped by

experiences as a resident, student, social service provider, ordained minister, and business owner

and involvement in government and diversity initiatives.

To manage potential bias, the following precautions are employed to protect the

participants:

1) research objectives are articulated verbally and in writing, 2) written permission

obtained to proceed with the study, 3) research exemption form filed with the

Institutional Review Board, 4) data collection methods and instruments explained, 5)

accessible transcriptions, written interpretations, and reports, 6) rights, interests and

wishes considered during data reporting, and 7) opportunities for anonymity identified

(Creswell, 2014).

Ethical Considerations

Criticisms of research tend to take place because of the ethical concerns regarding

privacy, utilization of data, and validation of findings. The researcher agrees with Creswell

(2014) that “First and foremost, the researcher has an obligation to respect the rights, needs,

values, and desires of the informant(s)” (p. 257). Therefore, she planned “to engage in ethical

practices and to anticipate the ethical issues prior to the study that will likely arise” (Creswell,

2014, p. 114). In doing so, there are several procedures implemented to reduce these concerns.

For instance, to demonstrate respect for the site as suggested by Creswell (2014), practices put in

place helped build trust and conveyed the extent of involvement.

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In order to ensure that participants receive the same treatment, there are clear guidelines

on the expectations of the interviews and other data collection methods (Creswell, 2014). More

specifically, a number of measures to circumvent deceiving participants and collecting harmful

information include the avoidance of leading questions, sharing personal impressions, and

disclosing sensitive information (Creswell, 2014). To the best extent possible, the researcher

involves participants as collaborators, respects potential power imbalances and exploitation, and

discusses the purpose of this study and data usage (Creswell, 2014). Lastly, to maintain

anonymity and keep the documents secure, the researcher reports multiple perspectives and

contrary findings, assigns fictitious names, and develops composite profiles of participants

(Creswell, 2014). This decision to conceal many of the organization names is because they are

small enough that participants of the study may be revealed. Vainio (2012) explains,

“Anonymity is one of the core principles of research ethics and is usually regarded as the

mechanism through which privacy and confidentiality are maintained” (p. 685).

Pilot Study

Creswell (2014) writes that to identify a beneficial research problem, it is important to

identify it before beginning the study; therefore, “To guard against this, proposal developers can

conduct pilot projects, needs assessments, or hold informal conversations to establish trust and

respect with the participants so that inquirers can detect any potential marginalization” (p. 136).

Consequently, there was a pilot test of instruments used for interviews with an outside group of

participants. The group consisted of faculty, cohort, and committee members. The pilot served

several purposes, but specifically, “to establish the content validity of scores on an

instrument…to improve questions, format, and scales” and to “incorporate their comments into

final instrument revisions” (Creswell, 2014, p. 207).

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As part of this pilot, questions from an organizational assessment provided some

structure to the interview process and participants were encouraged to reflect on the process and

give feedback. Therefore, comments and concerns were collected and analyzed to influence the

focus on the use of instruments, order of questions, and general framing of the engagement.

Modifications to the processes have empowered the researcher to reduce challenges with the

willingness of participants who agreed to share their life experiences, and to shape how the

narrative is situated within the case study. This determines whether there are challenges in the

ability to restory data and identify commonalities because, as Creswell (2007) notes, “when

individuals tell their stories, they do not present them in a chronological sequence. During the

process of restorying, the researcher provides a causal link among ideas” (p. 56). To restory

means, according to Lawler (2012), “the way that the individual incorporates and uses story to

create the reality of their persona” (p. 25). Therefore, the researcher used processes similar to the

following flow chart from the Malaysian Family Physician (2006) in Figure 2:

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Figure 2

Flow Chart of the Pilot Study

Note. Illustrates processes of pilot studies. Reprinted from Doing a pilot study: Why is it
essential?, by Hasson, Z., Schattner, P., and Mazza, D., 2006, Malaysian Family Physician, 1(2-
3), para. 4, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4453116/.

Dikko (2016) explains that this pilot study helps to ascertain how well the research

instruments work in the study and assists the researcher in identifying potential problems and

areas that require adjustments. Furthermore, as cited by Dikko, “Where an interview is used as

the research instrument, a pilot study helps to do the following”:

1. Highlight ambiguities and difficult and unnecessary questions and discard or modify

some.

2. Record the time taken to complete the interview to determine whether it is reasonable.

3. Determine whether each question elicits an adequate response.

4. Establish whether replies can be properly interpreted in relation to the information

required (van Teijlingen & Hundley, 2001).

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5. Determine whether the researcher has incorporated all the questions necessary to

measure all concepts (Berg, 2001).

6. Allow the researcher to practice and perfect interviewing techniques (Berg, 2001) (p.

522).

Limitations

According to Creswell (2014), “each type of data collection has both limitations and

strengths”; as a result, there is a description of the consideration of “how the strengths can be

combined to develop a stronger understanding of the research problem or questions” (p. 264).

This portion of the study includes limitations, restrictions, and constraints that affect the

dissertation outcomes. To reduce the limitations, the researcher collected multiple forms of data

and spent considerable time in the natural setting gathering the following three basic types of

information (Creswell, 2014):

• interviews with unstructured and open-ended questions, few in number, to elicit

views and opinions from the participants,

• collection methods of qualitative documents, both public (e.g., newspapers, minutes

of meetings, official reports) and private (e.g., personal journals and diaries, letters, e-

mails), and

• processes of categorization of qualitative data such as photographs, art objects,

videotapes, website pages, e-mails, text messages, social media text, or any forms of

sound (p. 239-240).

Sample Size and Selection

The study includes representative samples that contain the following elements: (a) the

participants selected to contribute in this research and (b) an explanation of purposive

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sampling used to justify any generalizations. Selection was based upon an affiliation with an

FBO located in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. The interview questions include

demographic information to collect data on age, gender, educational background, religious

affiliation, work experience, length of time engaged in activities, community involvement, and

ethnicity.

Purposeful sampling used to justify any generalizations influenced the participation

selection. Another objective for this study is to understand FBOs located in urban communities

within Pennsylvania. More specifically, communities within the greater Pittsburgh region which

includes Allegheny County were chosen because of the diversity and inclusion controversies

around the economic initiatives, gentrification, and poverty challenges. For these reasons, it is

important to examine how FBOs may engage in ways that increase capital for CED because of

the natural tendency to assist the underserved and neighborhoods that lack resources.

Several communities of the greater Pittsburgh region, although not included in the

interviews, are part of the archival data analysis; however, for inclusion in this study, the local

FBOs were located within this geographical area. They were identified by various means such as

direct relationship to the researcher, referral, and knowledge of their engagement in CED. A non-

profit center, referred to as Jonestown, was identified through local community engagement

activities. The leader of Dublinville, a Christian-based church associated with profit-generating

subdivisions, volunteered to be interviewed during an inquiry about faith-based research. One of

the dissertation committee members suggested a national affiliate FBO that focuses its efforts on

providing opportunities for self-reliance. To illustrate the importance of understanding the

regional role of FBOs from a government’s perspective, the sample includes data from a

department of the City of Shelbyville. A leader of an umbrella department of an educational

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 106

facility affiliated with a national church later referred to as Fredericksville agreed to participate

at the researcher’s request. The preliminary research discussions led to referrals for data

collection including recipient of services and partnering agencies.

FBOs or referrals outside of the greater Pittsburgh region were excluded from

participation in the interview process. This decision permitted unique inquiry from those directly

related to the geographical location studied. However, data sources included in the literature

review that informed the direction of the study consist of urban and suburban community

experiences.

The chosen setting for this study consists of what Yin (2009) defines as a field or social

experiment. He writes that it pertains to research about whole groups of people from different

areas, as in the FBOs, the communities they serve, and other stakeholders. Therefore, as

purported by Yin (2009), this study has limited participants because “Most field experiments will

not be able to support the participation of a sufficiently large number of communities to

overcome the severity of the subsequent statistical constraints” (p. 12).

Consequently, the events appropriate for illuminating this phenomenon include

interviewing participants as often as possible within their community and natural setting. Face-

to-face interviews allow opportunities to review documents and artifacts and make observations

during the interviews. As an alternative, the researcher used other means such as Skype or phone

interviews.

During this time, the researcher used interview questions derived from the two

organizational assessments to assist in the process of data collection. This provided some

structure to the interview without hindering participants from including additional information

not considered in the selection of questions.

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To reiterate, the types of data collected through semi-structured interviews and

documents used prepared the researcher for an analysis on FBOs engaged in CED. The following

sections will provide further details about the data collection and analysis methods along with the

strengths and weaknesses.

Data Collection Methods

As opposed to quantitative methods, qualitative studies rely on methods that incorporate

“text and image data, have unique steps in data analysis, and draw on diverse designs” (Creswell,

2010). The author clarifies that the researcher is the key instrument in qualitative research.

Creswell (2010) writes that researchers collect data themselves through examining documents,

interviewing participants, and possibly using a protocol instrument (e.g., questionnaires) like the

organizational assessments used in this study. Considering these things, it is also just as

important to identify where and how the data will be stored. Consequently, maintaining the data

in a confidential fashion helps protect the identity of organizations.

Therefore, the coded data to protect identities are stored for a period of four years,

accessible only to the researcher. The electronic files stored in Dropbox are password protected,

and all hard copies of data and materials are secured in a locked filing cabinet. The published

findings are without the use of names or identifying information except in cases where granted

written permissions. This information is available if granted written permission by the

participants and if sanctioned by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) guidelines. This is

especially critical since, as Harrison, Birks, Franklin, and Mills (2017) clearly state, “Interaction

between participants and the researcher is required to generate data, which is an indication of the

researcher’s level of connection to and being immersed in the field” (para. 22). It is important to

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 108

determine which instrument(s) to use during this process to guide how this interaction takes

place.

Interviews

In qualitative interviews, according to Creswell (2010), the researcher’s interviews

involve unstructured and generally open-ended questions that are few in number and intended to

elicit views and opinions from the participants (p. 239-240). The Is Your Organization Next

Generation? assessment questions found in Appendix A were adapted to develop the final set

(Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011). Five semi-structured interviews per organization informed data

from participants that included three pastors, two faith-based leaders that serve as executive

directors, and an executive leader within the city government who engages with different

denominations. This totaled 15 interviews by way of telephone, face-to-face, and other means

such as Skype. All face-to-face interviews were completed at a neutral location which was quiet

enough for the participant to respond freely.

Based on the information gathered from taking notes and the recorded interview, the

researcher summarized the content for participants to obtain approval of quotes and validate the

data. “Asking participants for feedback about the…tentative interpretations or conclusions and

requesting their own perspectives…can contribute to the quality and trustworthiness of the

analysis and can bring the participants into an empowered position as they take ownership of the

results” (Fassinger & Morrow, 2014, p. 80). Resultantly, one week after the interviews, they

were sent to the participants. The sample included data gained from at least one partner,

parishioner, staff, and recipient of services engaged in CED activities. As illustrated by Creswell

(2010), for this qualitative study the researcher chose to conduct different types of semi-

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 109

structured interviews using an audiotape for later transcription with e-mail, face-to-face, and

telephone options (p. 242).

Interview Guidelines

The researcher developed and used a protocol for the interviews relating to how to ask

questions, record answers, transcribe data, and utilize storage mechanisms. Although the

interviews were taped, the researcher chose not to employ observation and note taking. Copies of

materials used in interviews and other relevant data are included in the appendix. Creswell

(2010) explains that interview protocols include the following components:

• a heading (date, place, interviewer, interviewee),

• instructions for the interviewer to follow so that standard procedures are used from

one interview to another,

• the questions (typically an ice-breaker question at the beginning followed by four to

five questions that are often the sub-questions),

• probes for the four to five questions, to follow up and ask individuals to explain their

ideas in more detail, or to elaborate on what they have said,

• spaces between the questions to record responses,

• a final thank-you statement to acknowledge the time the interviewee spent during the

interview, and

• researchers typically develop a log to keep a record of documents collected for

analysis in a qualitative study (p. 244).

Instrumentation

The questions were influenced by the Compass Point Non-Profit self-assessment and

reflection tool to examine whether nine key characteristics are present in an FBO. The researcher

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chose it because of the ability to identify whether an organization is prepared to deal with the

changing demands and environmental influences. The Annie C. Casey Foundation suggests that

it can help to determine whether the organization is a next generation organization. The

foundation also states, “At the forefront are two trends: a focus on mission impact including its

measurement to articulate an organization’s effectiveness and accomplishments, and

transparency about the impacts organizations are actually achieving has led to a better

articulation of success” (Next Generation Organizations, para. 5). Brinckerhoff (1999) supports

these ideas and offers another assessment tool to identify other characteristics such as

management skills. Therefore, the researcher chose it to offer insight into other areas such as

marketing, financial stewardship, and empowerment. With the researcher being the key

instrument for this case study, these other tools seemed most appropriate because they address

the aim and align with her worldview (Harrison, Birks, Franklin & Mills, 2017, para. 28).

Document Analysis

In a study of this type, it is not uncommon for researchers to, as Creswell (2010) put it,

collect qualitative documents that may include newspapers, minutes of meetings, official reports,

letters, and e-mails. It was practical to include this method of data collection because it provides

additional information that illuminates past, present, and predictive outcomes, challenges,

experiences, and successes. However, to manage the data collection, some strategies from

Creswell (2010) were implemented from each of the participating organizations:

• Keep a journal during the research study.

• Analyze public documents (e.g., official memos, minutes, records, archival material).

• Examine autobiographies and biographies.

• Conduct chart audits (p. 243).

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The following is a discussion of how any missing data and attrition affected the study. It

includes why the data are missing, methods implemented to minimize this challenge, and ways to

prevent the challenge in future research. Lastly, it demonstrates how the missing data hindered

the validity of the analysis.

Validity and Reliability

The researcher employed strategies that assisted with demonstrating the validity and

reliability of the study. According to Creswell (2004), “Objective data result from empirical

observations and measures. Validity and reliability of scores on instruments lead to meaningful

interpretations of data” (p. 200). Therefore, as Creswell (2004) suggests, in order to perform

rigorous data collection the researcher provides detailed information about the survey instrument

used in the study. She discusses the instrument design used, how it informs the data for research,

and how it influences interview questions.

One of the primary tools, Is Your Organization Next Generation?, an assessment (see

Appendix B) developed by CompassPoint Nonprofit Services, has been used by other

organizations that were interested in increasing their capacity (Cornelius & Wolfred, 2011). By

email, the researcher requested permission to use and or modify if necessary, which was granted

in writing (see Appendix C). The studies of one organization, the Annie E. Casey Foundation,

exemplify how the assessment tool is reliable and offers valid results. In 2011, they provided a

report which showed how the “methods of management for nonprofit organizations are

undergoing changes to embrace new ways of pursuing mission impact.” This report “outlines the

trends and environmental influences that have driven the demands for change, as well as

provides a picture of what the ‘next generation organization’ looks like” (Next Generation

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Organizations, para. 1). Within the report, there are two examples of how nine characteristic

traits are demonstrated in organizations.

Dikko (2016) says, “With every research design, instruments chosen for the collection of

data must pass the tests of validity and reliability before they can be considered good measures”

(p. 521). The Next Generation Report as well as the report titled Ready to Lead validate the need

for a different style of leadership in the non-profit sector, in which there appears to be a war for

talent. They also demonstrate the reliability in determining whether the organization is ready to

move toward these changes using assessments, research, interviews, and case studies. Cornelius,

Corvington, and Ruesga (2008) argue that this type of research is necessary if we want to address

leadership concerns because “As the Baby Boomers retire from their…positions over the coming

decades, the small pool of next-generation leaders say they are both concerned and ill-prepared”

(para. 1).

Therefore, it is important to select reliable tools when collecting data. Sekaran (as cited in

Dikko, 2016) writes, parallel tests with different wordings or sequences of questions should

result in the same data. Whereas, validity according to Dikko (2016) is the process of

implementing an instrument in a pilot study, which ensures that the measure used fits around the

theories for which the test is created.

Positionality

The purpose here is to acknowledge the author’s positionality in relation to FBOs’

engagement in this industry. Clark and Creswell (2015) advise, “the findings that emerged from

the data analysis process should be accurate and credible representations of the gathered data and

participants’ experiences” (p. 364). As illustrated earlier, there are three parts of the researcher’s

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 113

identity that influence this research: 1) the position as clergy, 2) religious convictions, and 3)

current engagement in CED activities.

The researcher’s positionality as clergy provides access to gatekeepers in different FBOs.

As a clergy member of a local church, religious convictions of the importance of working with

those within indigenous communities influences the perceptions of needs. Previous and current

engagement in the field positions the researcher as a perceived authority figure with a level of

expertise. For example, she has designed and implemented a government strategic plan that

increased engagement of FBOs by 75% and is currently involved in plans for her resident

community.

Analysis of Data

The researcher chose a naturalistic inquiry approach for data analysis. Therefore, the

design of this research is naturalistic, emergent, and purposeful in the investigation of the

research problem (Organizing Your Social Sciences: Qualitative Methods, 2017). It is organic as

it studies real-world examples (Organizing Your Social Sciences, 2017) of FBOs’ leadership and

management, as well as how religiosity plays a factor. With a developing element it allows

opportunities to pursue new paths of discovery (Organizing Your Social Sciences, 2017). The

University of Southern California (2017) explains that case studies are “‘information rich’ and

illuminative,” and “they offer useful manifestations of the phenomenon of interest”; therefore,

they are purposeful.

Fassinger and Morrow (2014) influence this type of study as they write, “respectful social

justice research is the value of interpersonal relationships and serving the needs of the

community in which the research is being conducted…ensuring the opportunity for ‘meaningful

participation’ by the members of the community under investigation” (p. 78). They go on to say,

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“the mutual meaning-making process that should characterize all social justice research can

contribute to the empowerment of research participants. Participants are [then] viewed and

treated as research consultants and co-researchers in order to communicate respect and empower

them” (Fassinger & Morrow, 2014, p. 78). The authors posit, “Social justice research that is

relationally oriented requires more of researchers than simply providing a summary of the

results” (Fassinger & Morrow, 2014, p. 79); therefore, it is important to understand that this

qualitative study is an ongoing process. Subsequently, as they purport, the researcher is

deliberate about taking the findings back to the communities, presenting them in a form that will

be useful to many, and making the results available to all, not just those who actively participated

in the research (Fassinger & Morrow, 2014, p. 79).

Maxwell (2009) also influences the design as he suggests that it should include goals, a

conceptual framework, research questions, methods, and validity as an applied social research

project. The goal describes the central research problem through the conceptual framework that

informs the research. The design incorporates the use of questions to gain an understanding,

methods for a structural approach for comparability of data across sources and researchers, as

well as plausible alternative interpretations (Organizing Your Social Sciences, 2017). To avoid

challenges, the researcher understood the responsibility to engage the dissertation committee

members and participants as co-researchers by explaining analytic procedures and conventions to

them (Fassinger & Morrow, 2014).

Additionally, as Fassinger and Morrow (2014) explain, “Summarizing and disseminating

the results or outcomes of social justice research provides a final opportunity for researchers to

demonstrate their respect for participants and their responsiveness to community needs” (p. 81).

To understand this phenomenon, the researcher uses analytic processes such as coding narrative

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 115

data and interpreting statistical patterns to gain perspectives from the questions, ideas, or

responses. Consequently, the use of NVivo software for the qualitative analysis of both textual

and audiovisual data sources assisted with collecting and importing data, organizing and coding

them, assigning attributes for comparisons, adding interpretations, performing queries and

searches, and visualizing the data (NVivo Qualitative Data Analysis, para. 1). These are some of

the best practices regarding data gathering, analysis, and reporting. According to Fassinger and

Morrow (2014), “Researchers should use dissemination activities as a means of advocating for

marginalized communities, both within the community and with outside audiences” (p. 81).

Chapter Summary

This chapter explored the qualitative research design utilized and described the data

collection process and analysis. There is a great likelihood that performing studies on CED

organizations can provide descriptive information about the needs of FBOs that engage or intend

to engage in such activities. This includes economic initiatives and practices like entrepreneurial

trainings, programs, and activities. For the purpose of this study, the research found that

qualitative data helps to demonstrate whether certain success factors affect FBOs’ engagement in

economic development activities.

Most of these activities and wealth building programs for the underserved and

communities in poverty have been provided by these organizations. Using specific processes in

collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data, the main objective was to demonstrate that the

research is reliable and valid. The provided information about the participants of the study, data

collection procedures, methodological approaches, tools, and research design helped to

illuminate the perceptions, experiences, and challenges of FBOs engaged in CED. The results led

to an understanding of whether religiosity, leadership, or management influences success.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 116

This chapter reflects the data analysis and its relationships to the research questions,

demographic survey, and theoretical framework used for the study. Interviewed for the study

were thirteen participants. Having structured interview questions allowed the researcher to

understand the phenomenon from an organizational perspective of FBOs engaged or desiring to

engage in CED. All participants were associated in some way to an FBO. The data generated

could answer whether FBOs may increase their engagement if they are empowered to operate

effectively and efficiently in leadership and management, and whether their religious association

could hinder this. The three themes that emerged from this data include: (a) interest in increasing

the capacity of people to engage in CED on a tactical level, (b) community-based capacity

building projects to solve neighborhood problems on an operational level, and (c)

implementation of policies from regional stakeholders that address social and economic

injustices on a strategic and regional level.

Through a reiteration in this chapter of the introduction to the study, problem statement,

overview of participants, and assessment used to conduct the study, readers gain further

understanding to the datum. Collecting data through a survey provided demographic information

about individual participants. The assessment used to administer the interview questions assisted

with triangulation and took place through semi-structured face-to-face interviews. These semi-

structured interviews transcribed by the researcher totaled over 150 pages of data requiring

analysis. All of this—the surveys, interviews, and document analysis from this qualitative case

study method—examined how FBOs in the Southwestern PA programs and initiatives support

CED. Further details as well as the researcher’s response to the results of the data are found in

Chapter 5, which reveals the conclusions and provides recommendations for future study.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 117

Chapter Four: Findings

The Study and the Results

The study examined FBOs engaged in CED and the internal and external perceptions as it

relates to leadership, management, and religion. This chapter presents in detail the results of the

analyses completed by the researcher using tables, graphics, and vignettes from the interviews. It

reflects how the model, theories, and assessment tools answer three research questions using data

obtained from five organizations chosen to participate in this qualitative case study. The process

includes an analysis of 13 transcripts from semi-structured interviews. To ensure the accuracy

and credibility of the findings (Clark & Creswell, 2015) and methods employed, triangulation

helped to compare and contrast the interview responses and demographic surveys. There are five

levels of analysis used for data reduction: (a) analytic coding, (b) open coding, (c) theoretical

coding, (d) descriptive coding, and (e) NVivo coding (Cope, 2009). Key themes emerged from

distilling the data further and applying it to the Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Model and

Empowerment Theory.

Though being analyzed through the lens of CED, these themes are similar to what

Wallace et al. (2004) refer to as “domains in which faith-based interventions seek to bring about

development” (p. 12). The themes and levels of domains are empowerment processes for people,

communities, and regional, social, and economic justice initiatives with outcomes from strategic,

operational, and tactical planning and execution. These themes help to illuminate what

conditions FBOs need to engage, experiences of previous engagement activities from various

perspectives, and the kind of challenges that affect the FBOs, partners, and communities. The

themes reflect from multiple perspectives the perception of FBOs engaged in CED within a

developing urban region, as well as what interviewees believe is and is not working.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 118

Research Questions

As stated previously, this qualitative case study explores FBOs that are engaging in, have

engaged in, and or want to engage in CED using a holistic faith-based perspective. A focus is on

the organization as a whole, which includes the leadership, as in those running the organization;

management, the day-to-day policies and practices; and the implications of religiosity while

engaging in economic development activities. The following provides each of the three central

questions that guide this study:

Table 2

Research Questions

1. What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate in order to
effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED?

2. What perceived management challenges do FBOs face related to the implementation of
programs and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED?

3. What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to religiosity while
engaged or attempting to engage in CED?

The next section provides a greater understanding of the interview compilation as it gives further

details of the organizations and participants.

Sample

Thirteen participants were included in the study: one government representative, four

leaders of FBOs, and four staff of FBOs, as well as four others. Among the others represented in

the sample were one professional from the FBOs’ partnering organizations. Appendix D shows

the participant demographics that characterize the minimum requirements as discussed in chapter

three.

These invited individuals participated because they engaged in CED in various ways

throughout the region and some on a national level. The total years in CED as part of their

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 119

profession varied among the participants sampled, and eight employed participants of the sample

worked in the sector. Ninety-two percent of participants were engaged in CED at the time of the

study and had engaged over the past five years. The remaining participants worked primarily in

other fields with a desire to engage in CED or served as a partner representative.

The gender and age of the participants varied within each organization. There were six

males and seven females interviewed (that self-disclosed as such). Of the 12 FBO participants,

three were under the age of 40, two were between the ages of 30-39, and only one was under the

age of 26, which was not an intentional sample proportion. The remaining sample population

was 50 years or older.

Organization size, employee makeup, community relationships, and populations served

also varied among participants. All participants stated they reside in the community that the

applicable FBO serves. The sample population varied by the number of years they have resided

in the community between two and eight. Of the 12 participants sampled, nine were full-time,

two were part-time, and one was a volunteer. Eleven of the 12 participants sampled were

currently engaged in CED at the time of the study, and only one was not.

The number of employees within the organizations varied with only one organization

sampled having more than 100. No interviewee acknowledged having only one employee. Four

of the participants sampled stated they had two to five employees. Another participant

acknowledged having five to 10 employees. Two of the 13 participants sampled had 10-20

employees. The remaining population of sampled organizations was of the next largest tier, with

three of them having 20-40 employees.

Many of the participants worked full-time for the FBOs, whereas two were part-time and

one was a volunteer. Thirty-three percent of the participants had been in the position for more

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 120

than 12 years, which included two of the leaders. Five participants acknowledged witnessing a

crime in the community in the past two years, which represents 58% of the sampled population.

Only three of the 12e acknowledged the use of government grants as a financial source for the

organization and noted that they owned or rented property.

Six of the 12 participants sampled said that they owned their facility, two of which were

FBOs. The remaining six participants said they rented their facility. Two of the FBOs

acknowledged that they owned and rented their properties. Therefore, 50% of the FBOs owned

and the other 50% rented their current facility.

Three of the 12 sampled participants acknowledged currently utilizing government grants

to provide services or products, and only one was an FBO. Participants reported that those

receiving services or participating in programs were primarily of the black race or ethnicity.

However, 25% surveyed shared that they provide services or programs to those of the Hispanic

groups, while 33% acknowledged working with Caucasians, and only .8% with Asians or other

groups. More information about the sampling is in Appendix E.

Data Collection

The 13 interviews with men and women currently engaged in CED at the time of the

study serve as the primary source of research data for this study. The different organizational

structures, positions within the company, and partnering agencies served as the basis for the

questions asked. After the first interview with the non-FBO, the remaining interviews took place,

were coded both manually and using NVivo, a qualitative data analysis software, and reviewed

for themes. The demographic surveys and interviews provided substantiating evidence for further

analysis and the researcher used it to create an organizational structure for the findings (Cope,

2009).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 121

Demographic collection instrument results. The researcher collected data through a

demographic form distributed both electronically and in-person to 12 FBO interviewees. The

focus was to determine the experience of the participants representing the four preselected

organizations as well as the characteristics of the subject population. Participation in the study

required either being an employee of an FBO or an affiliate located within the region of Western

Pennsylvania. The interviewees, identified by various means, either had a direct relationship with

the researcher or were referred for her consideration. Knowledge of their engagement in CED

also influenced the choice of some interviewees’ participation. The interview included 12

questions, both closed-ended and open-ended, assessing whether the individuals represented the

target population for engaging in CED through its affiliation with the FBO. The form allowed the

researcher to gather baseline data before the interviews to determine the pool of leadership

structure as asserted by Anglin (2004) and those engaged in CED.

According to the demographic information collected from the interviewees, the

researcher identified a diverse sample for participation. The diversity ranged from the

interviewees’ age and gender to the number of employees per organization, the ethnicity of

recipients of service, and types of CED initiatives. It also ranged from the occupation of space

(meaning whether or not they rented), employment status (as in full-time, part-time, etc.),

residency (whether they lived in the community where the organization was located), time with

the organization (how long they worked there in that role), and acknowledgment of crime within

the community they served (more specifically, whether they witnessed a crime). The results

conclude that the interviewees consisted of both male and female participants with diverse

backgrounds, ethnicities, races, classes, and geographic locations. All of the interviews were

semi-structured. Interviewees completed a demographic form revealing characteristics about the

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 122

FBOs, the community(s) they served, and their level of engagement and possible impact (see

Appendix F).

Not everyone who participated in the interview expounded on how they individually

participated in CED to identify patterns, commonalities, and relationships (Cope, 2008).

Therefore, the questionnaire used combined the data, identified themes, and determined each

participant’s relationship to the type of engagement in which they participated. For instance, one

faith leader said they engaged in CED through micro-business enterprises in housing, while

another, an FBO partner, acknowledged engagement in development in their community and

hoped to solidify the collaboration with them.

Another acknowledged being engaged in landmark and community development. One

part-time FBO staff person acknowledged engaging as a volunteer builder. A partnering

organization reported that an FBO engaged in CED through programs such as adaptive reuse,

social enterprise, pre-school, and transportation. Another full-time FBO staff person reported

their engagement in community collaborations, neighborhood visioning plans, and board service

for community development. Lastly, several participants noted they engaged in business

development.

Descriptive information on interview compilation. In analyzing the data, each of the

organizations is made up of people with different leadership styles, geographical locations,

experiences, strategies, structures, and challenges. Among those interviewed were one faith-

based community organization, one multigenerational, multicultural urban church with a social

enterprise, one faith-based educational institute, and a local faith-based nonprofit with a national

model. Each FBO chosen revealed if they exemplified the previously mentioned model, levels of

empowerment, and overarching theories of this research. Prior to this study, the researcher did

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 123

not have evidence that any sites had implemented any form of the model, though data revealed a

theme of empowerment throughout the interviews. The interest in selecting the different types of

organizations was to illuminate different perceptions, approaches, and experiences of those that

are faith-based.

The researcher identified participants with an alphanumeric system: FBOs were marked

with a letter and a number. Leaders were marked with the letter “L,” staff with the letter “S,” and

partners with the letter “P.” To protect the confidentiality of the organizations and their

participants, pseudonyms identify the information and findings. Shelbyville represents the non-

faith-based organization in this study, also referred to as the NFBO or non-FBO. Jonestown

represents FBO #1, further referred to as FBO #1. Table 3 provides additional information about

the other organizations represented in this study.

Table 3

Pseudonyms for Organizations

Pseudonym Name Organization ID

City of Shelbyville Non-FBO

Jonestown FBO #1

Fredericksville FBO #2

Jamestown FBO #3

Dublinville FBO #4

Once the IRB approved, the researcher distributed an introduction letter with a request to

participate and then followed up to solidify interview dates. The letter provided each invitee with

a brief description of the study, directions on how the demographic survey applies to the design,

and how to move forward in the research. The survey included 12 quantifiable questions

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 124

distributed via email and in person. Each participant returned the survey within seven days of

distribution. The researcher made herself available for follow-up conversations to clarify

relevancy and integrate a process of member checking (Baxter & Jack, 2008); this helped to

assure accuracy. The interviews began and the responses were confidentially stored throughout

the entire process and later analyzed. They contributed to most of the substantial data on the

engagement of FBOs in CED and in identifying the key themes for this case study.

The following table reflects the participants by roles within the organization along with

the pseudonym name and identifiers for further reference.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 125

Table 4

Participants by Roles within Organization

Within this case study research, the investigator collected and integrated quantitative

survey data and multiple types of qualitative interviews in an attempt to reach a holistic

understanding of the phenomenon being studied (Baxter & Jack, 2008). The first interview was

with the non-FBO, Shelbyville. It establishes a structure for the chapter, shows the relationships

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 126

of FBOs and government, and serves as a determinant for the interview compilation. It provided

an additional framework outside of the IRB process by which the researcher was able to pilot the

interview protocol and fine-tune the questions (Baxter & Jack, 2008) for the FBOs. The process

used for this interview was that from a non-structured interview from a grounded theory

perspective, as purported by Baxter & Jack (2008), upon which each interview was built

thereafter.

This being the first interview, it allowed the researcher, according to Baxter & Jack

(2008), to try and “elicit rich, focused, meaningful data that captures, to the extent possible, the

experiences of participants” (p. 812). The researcher chose this site due to its collaborations with

multi-faceted FBOs in different communities with a vast array of strategic intents. The interview

provides insight into some external perceived strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats

(SWOT) of FBOs’ leadership, management, and religious affiliation. The data revealed key

themes of analysis relating to influence change for people, community problem solving, and

social and economic justice initiatives (Shaffer, Deller, & Marcouiller, 2006). The researcher

captured data from this site’s initiatives with faith-communities to empower youth, individuals,

and clergy with a focus on various areas such as employment, small business, housing, and other

economic development areas discussed later in this chapter.

The interview reflects that initiatives of Shelbyville promote engagement of FBOs in

CED, with an understanding that it encompasses an aspect of a holistic approach to community

problem solving (Shaffer, Deller, & Marcouiller, 2006). The interview permitted the researcher

to determine whether the Is Your Organization Next Generation? assessment tool used for the

interview protocol for FBOs would provide the necessary means to gain valid and complete data

and mirror the characteristics of the sample according to Maxwell (as cited in Baxter & Jack,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 127

2008), based on the non-FBO’s responses. It answers questions relative to the perception that

several regional development initiatives in certain communities, of which Shaffer et al. (2006)

wrote, are defined within spatial connotation, and it provides a basis for how the researcher could

conduct the remaining interviews seeking to gain information on success or failure of FBO

engagement.

Therefore, the chosen interview compilation methodology helped to determine which

factors influence these decision-makers’ behaviors on such a complex topic. It provided a

framework to launch the study, establish rapport with the FBO participants, and proceed with the

inquiry goals of the research (Baxter & Jack, 2008) for understanding. The remaining 12

interviews then helped to show the relationships of FBOs engaged in CED within the City of

Shelbyville. It allowed the researcher to solicit multiple perspectives from different communities

and organizational structures, as well as gain an awareness of how it has influenced engagement

in CED.

Though this concludes how and why the researcher used these interviews in this manner,

the following section provides an overview of the FBO interviews and shows the relationship

with Shelbyville’s initiatives. The selected informant sampling strategy allowed the researcher to

include FBOs that could speak directly to this phenomenon and provide relevant data from a

document analysis (Young et al., 2018). Those who voluntarily participated in the study by way

of written consent are described further in the participant overview. Supporting data also

includes demographic information collected from the survey responses and details regarding the

interview results. The interviews supplied data to understand these relationships and strategic

intents. In the following section, the researcher provides descriptive information about each

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 128

organization that assists readers with an understanding of the process of collecting the data and

the results obtained.

Case study data gathering process. In January 2018, the researcher sought to research

local FBOs that engaged or provided evidence of some interest in engaging in CED. The

investigator pursued IRB authorization to include each one of the organizations. A critical

component to understanding this dynamic was to engage an NFBO that could broaden the

perception of FBOs as a community. By the permission of the IRB committee, the researcher

was able to include one government organization as the NFBO. With access to most of the faith-

based activity in the region and beyond, the researcher chose this site’s participation ensuring

that enough data represented the FBOs’ engagement in CED. Consequently, the researcher first

interviewed the NFBO and then concluded the data collection with interviews from direct

representatives of individual FBOs.

The non-FBO allowed the researcher to assess the strategic intent of FBOs and perform a

situational analysis on a national and regional level within CED. This sheds insight on the

external perception of the FBOs’ outcomes and challenges from a stakeholder’s point of view. A

completed SWOT analysis helped to determine the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and

threats to their engagement operationally and regionally. It helped to illuminate the NFBO

interviewee’s perspectives on engagement on a macro and micro level. Figure 3 from the U.S.

Department of Homeland Security, U.S. Coast Guard Auxiliary, Department of Training (2014)

depicts the framing of the interview analysis processes.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 129

Figure 3

Hierarchy of Strategic Intent

Note. Reprinted from Strategic planning, by U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2014, U.S.
Coast Guard Auxiliary, Department of Training, retrieved from
http://tdept.cgaux.org/stafftraining/13-30pig .

The remaining interviews relating to the FBOs allowed the researcher to analyze the data

from a meso level. To understand this phenomenon within CED, the researcher looked at the

assigned responsibilities of the participants, their ability to sustain and improve performance, and

potential needs for success. A completed interpretative phenomenological analysis helped

identify themes to understand how each interviewee makes sense of this phenomenon (The

Oxbridge Research Group Ltd., 2019). This provides a more in-depth internal view of outcomes

on both an operational and tactical perspective. The researcher provides results of 13 interviews

over six months without interpretation and discusses the interpretation in chapter five.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 130

Data Analysis Process

The interviews, the primary data used for the study, were coded manually using

qualitative analysis software. The researcher analyzed the interviews individually, and then

grouped them with the applicable FBO for further review and coded each batch relationship to

one another. A series of coding processes took place to identify descriptions, themes, and

theoretical applications. The researcher added clarifying questions to the interviews as necessary.

After manually coding the transcripts, the researcher uploaded them into NVivo for

further analysis, and the building of the codebook began to assist with the structure. Applying

open, descriptive, and NVivo codes to the 13 interviews aided in the comparative analysis and

revealing of themes. Each process helped the researcher integrate coding, complete a data

reduction, and make sense of it critically. Coding results included over 35 codes from the non-

FBO manual coding process, 100 from the descriptive coding, and about 12 from the thematic

coding, as shown in the findings.

In the final analysis phase, the researcher used selective coding to answer the interview

questions and connect the emergent themes to the models, theories, and assessment tool to show

any relationships. The researcher applied the vignettes and codes to the findings. Participant

responses were placed in italics to distinguish between them and comments by the researcher.

The researcher omitted some information and bracketed other areas showing data but also

protecting confidentiality. The paragraph section headers used show the categories and codes of

the findings. There were nine analytical codes embedded in the interview questions representing

the key traits of Next Generation Organizations. The researcher provides further information in

the theoretical coding summary.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 131

Analytical codes, interview questions, and protocol. All scripted interviews with the

FBOs resulted from using an assessment; this was not the case for the NFBO. Therefore, only

one of the 13 did not participate in the administration of the Is Your Organization Next

Generation? assessment, which determines whether there appear to be the nine key traits within

the FBO. However, the researcher did search for the related codes using the NVivo software to

discover any similarities or differences from the non-FBO’s perspective as it related to the

research questions. The researcher divided this self-assessment instrument into three parts as a

method of triangulation within the data amongst the leader, partner, and staff person of the FBO.

It helped to illuminate the experiences, perceptions, and challenges that FBOs face when

engaged in CED activities. It permits opportunities to look at organizational management

structures and leadership practices (Cornelius & Wolford, 2011) from various standpoints

including those of partners, staff, leaders, stakeholders, and recipients.

Table 5

Next Generation Organizations’ Nine Key Traits – Analytic Codes

1. Impact Driven = (A)
2. Finance & Business Savvy = (B)
3. Continuous Learning = (C)
4. Shared Leadership = (D)
5. Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E)
6. Ambiguity of Work-Life Boundaries = (F)
7. Constituents as Thought Partners = (G)
8. Boards as Value Add = (H)
9. Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I)

All questions within the assessment measure the FBOs in the following areas: 1) impact

driven, 2) finance and business savvy, 3) continuous learning, 4) shared leadership, 5) wired for

policy advocacy, 6) ambiguity of work-life boundaries, 7) constituents as thought partners, 8)

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 132

boards as a value add, and 9) multicultural and culturally competent. Refer to the following table

for more information.

Table 6

Next Generation Organization Interview Questions and Protocol

Impact Driven
= (A)

1. What can you tell me about the organization’s mission and vision, as in,
how it serves as a driver to make an impact on the community?

2. Describe how the organization is utilizing the community, board, staff, and
volunteers to help with accomplishing its mission.

3. What forms of outreach and engagement does the organization use to make
the community aware of what is offered?

4. Describe how the engagement with community and stakeholders develops.
5. Describe the outcomes (positive and negative) of engagement.
6. Describe the business model and formal structure (e.g., processes involved,

benchmarking, mapping, focus groups/seminars). Is there an office or
representative in the community?

7. Does the organization have clearly defined objectives and deliverables for
engaging in CED?

8. Does the organization appear to have discovered that something was
missing that prompted your engagement in CED?

Finance &
Business
Savvy = (B)

1. What can you tell me about the organization’s business and financial
savviness that demonstrates an ability to provide services and offerings?

2. Describe what support for the organization is successful or needed.
3. What are the desired returns from engaging in CED?
4. Describe how funding, communication, day-to-day activities, and business

support align with community needs.

Continuous
Learning =
(C)

1. Describe how the organization learns to support CED.
2. What/how does the organization learn from national or government policy?
3. What/how does the organization learn from national/regional/local

stakeholder groups?
4. Is there a process between the gathering of knowledge and policy

formulation? What is this process? How long does this take?
Shared
Leadership =
(D)

1. What and how do the organization, staff, and board learn from each other?
2. How is knowledge transferred?
3. How do you decide what principles or best practices are usable and why?

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 133

Wired for
Policy
Advocacy =
(E)

1. In what ways have CED initiatives changed over the past five years and
why?

2. What has driven the change of the CED sector?
3. Local and national policy agendas perhaps?
4. How do organizational stakeholders view CED?
5. Describe from what the CED support policy agenda is driven. Why and

how?
6. What could improve the CED agenda?
7. How important is funding history to CED (e.g., CSBG funding, CDCs,

Community Action Agencies, partnerships)?
8. How does/should the organization capture what is important to develop

CED from national policy, local support organizations, and community
groups?

Ambiguity of
Work-Life
Boundaries =
(F)

1. Is there anything that has come to mind about the organization’s team,
board, or volunteers while we have been talking today that speaks to how
they demonstrate work-life balance?

Constituents
as Thought
Partners = (G)

1. Which stakeholders or support organizations are most important for
engaging in CED and why?

2. How significant are they and what are the most important characteristics?
3. What do they offer that is unique and how does it compare to others?
4. In what ways do local and national entities influence the organization and its

capacity to engage in CED?
5. How do stakeholders or support organizations capture local objectives and

goals from the community and voluntary groups?

Boards as
Value Add =
(H)

1. Describe the skills of individual board members, staff, and volunteers and
how they assist the organization to fulfill its mission and vision.

2. Describe the skills of individual board members, staff, and volunteers that
may be needed to strengthen the organization’s capacity to fulfill its mission
and vision.

3. Describe the governing board’s roles and responsibilities, along with the
structure of its meetings.

Multicultural
& Culturally
Competent =
(I)

1. Describe the organization in relation to the neighborhood where the
community members are (i.e., demographics – do the staff, board, and
members commute or live in the neighborhood?).

2. What neighborhood issues are the organization currently attempting to
address?

3. What kind of interactions does the organization have with its members or
the population it serves?

4. What things would the organization need to further engage with its members
and the community?

5. What do you find to be the biggest challenges in the organization’s ability to
work within the culture of a disadvantaged neighborhood?

6. Has the organization demonstrated an ability to reach out to disadvantaged
populations to help fulfill the mission?

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 134

The researcher asked the FBO leader 15 questions: three questions about impact, one

about finance, two about continuous learning, one about shared leadership, three about policy

advocacy, three about constituents, one about the board, and two about cultural competency.

Afterward, the researcher asked an FBO staff or board member 16 questions within those same

areas but with an added question about the work-life boundaries. Lastly, the FBO partner’s

interview included 11 questions but excluded any regarding continuous learning, shared

leadership, and work-life balance. This interview included the question about the organization’s

mission and vision intentionally comparing their response to that of the FBO leader.

Refer to Table 7 for more information on the matrix for interview questions and its

relationship to the Is Your Organization Next Generation? Assessment.

Table 7

Matrix for Interview Questions

Research Question
Servant Leadership (SL)

1. What
perceived
leadership
experience do
faith-based
organizations
need to
demonstrate in
order to
effectively
contribute to the
sustainability of
community
economic
development?

Impact Driven = (A1) What can you tell me about the organization’s
mission and vision, as in, how it serves as a driver to make an impact on the
community?

Impact Driven = (A2) Describe how the organization is utilizing the
community, board, staff, and volunteers to help with accomplishing its
mission.

Impact Driven = (A3) What forms of outreach and engagement does the
organization use to make the community aware of what is offered?

Impact Driven = (A8) Does the organization appear to have discovered that
something was missing that prompted your engagement in CED?

Finance & Business Savvy = (B2) Describe what support for the
organization is successful or needed.

Continuous Learning = (C1) Describe how the organization learns to
support community economic development.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 135

Shared Leadership = (D2) How is knowledge transferred?

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E6) What could improve the community
economic development agenda?

Ambiguity of Work Life Boundaries = (F1) Is there anything that has come
to mind about the organization’s team, board, or volunteers while we have
been talking today that speaks to how they demonstrate work life balance?

Constituents as Thought Partners = (G1) Which stakeholders or support
organizations are most important for engaging in community economic
development and why?

Constituents as Thought Partners = (G2) How significant are they and what
are the most important characteristics?

Constituents as Thought Partners = (G3) What do they offer that is unique
and how does it compare to others?

Boards as Value Add = (H3) Describe the governing board’s roles and
responsibilities, along with the structure of its meetings.

Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I1) Describe the organization in
relation to the neighborhood where the community members are (i.e.
demographics? Does the staff, board, members commute or live in the
neighborhood?)

Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I2) What neighborhood issues is
the organization currently attempting to address?

Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I3) What kind of interactions does
the organization have with its members or population it serves?

Faith-Based Management (FBM)
2. What perceived
management
challenges do
faith-based
organizations face
related to the
implementation
of programs and
services designed
to contribute to
the sustainability
of community

Impact Driven = (A6) Describe the business model and formal structure?

Processes involved, benchmarking, mapping, focus groups/seminars. Is
there an office or representative in the community?

Impact Driven = (A7) Does the organization have clearly defined objectives
and deliverables for engaging in CED?

Finance & Business Savvy = (B1) What can you tell me about the
organization’s business and financial savviness that demonstrates an ability
to provide services and offerings?

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 136

economic
development?

Finance & Business Savvy = (B4) Describe how funding, communication,
day-to-day activities, and business support align with community needs.

Continuous Learning = (C4) Is there a process between the gathering of
knowledge and policy formulation? What is this process? How long does
this take?

Shared Leadership = (D3) How do you decide what principles or best
practices are usable and why?

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E7) How important is funding history to
community economic development? E.g., CSBG funding, CDCs,
Community Action Agencies, partnerships.

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E8) How does/should the organization
capture what is important to develop CED from national policy, local
support organizations, and community groups?

Constituents as Thought Partners = (G5) How do stakeholders or support
organizations capture local objectives and goals from community and
voluntary groups?

Boards as Value Add = (H1) Describe the skills of individual board
members, staff, and volunteers and how they assist the organization to
fulfill its mission and vision?

Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I6) Has the organization
demonstrated an ability to reach out to disadvantaged populations to help
fulfill the mission?

Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment
3. What can faith-
based
organizations do
to overcome
perceived
challenges related
to religiosity
while engaged or
attempting to
engage in
community
economic
development?

Impact Driven = (A4) Describe how the engagement with community and
stakeholders develop?

Impact Driven = (A5) Describe the outcomes (positive and negative) of
engagement?

Finance & Business Savvy = (B3) What are the desired returns from
engaging in CED?

Continuous Learning = (C2) What/how does the organization learn from
national or government policy?

Continuous Learning = (C3) What/how does the organization learn from
national/regional/local stakeholder groups?

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 137

Shared Leadership = (D1) What and how does the organization, staff, and
board learn from each other?

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E1) In what ways have community economic
development initiatives changed over the past 5 years and why?

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E2) What has driven the change of the
community economic development sector?

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E3) Local and national policy agendas
perhaps?

Wired for Policy Advocacy = (E4) How do organizational stakeholders
view the community economic development?

Constituents as Thought Partners = (G4) In what ways do local and national
entities influence the organization and its capacity to engage in community
economic development?

Boards as Value Add = (H2) Describe the skills of individual board
members, staff, and volunteers that may be needed to strengthen the
organization’s capacity to fulfill its mission and vision?

Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I4) What things would the
organization need to further engage with its members and the community?

Multicultural & Culturally Competent = (I5) What do you find to be the
biggest challenges in the organization’s ability to work within the culture of
a disadvantaged neighborhood?

Coding process. The manual open coding process was used in the first cycle of the

analysis, followed by the use of NVivo 10 software to check for additional codes in the second

cycle, which each “represent[s] and capture[s] a datum’s primary content and essence” (Saldana,

2008, p. 3). The interviews were first manually coded line-by-line using their “own unique code”

as part of the preliminary analysis or initial coding (Saldana, 2008, p. 5). Those manual codes

included all of the nine characteristics of the assessment tool, in the form of either words,

sentences, or phrases. After completing this process, the researcher uploaded the interview

transcripts, documents, and demographic forms in the NVivo software.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 138

NVivo analysis. The qualitative data analysis software, NVivo 10, helped organize the

electronic documents, categorize the data, and identify the emergent themes (Cope, 2008).

Added to the codebook were the previously mentioned nine analytic codes, demographic survey

results, and related interview responses. The software permitted the researcher to store and

organize the data in a way that it could be separated into cases as well as manual and auto-theme

nodes. The researcher did not always agree with the codes and continued to use NVivo features

that would eliminate non-applicable codes, such as phrases like “you know what I mean” and

words used as fillers or pauses in between thoughts.

Part of the analysis was to look for patterns and consistencies among the coded datum

(Saldana, 2008) which could include similarities, differences, causation, or sentiments. During

this cyclical process, the researcher then transferred the information into a Microsoft Excel

spreadsheet under the nine categories or analytic codes. Using the word-frequency query on the

group of 13 interviews, the researcher looked for additional codes yielding the following word

cloud.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 139

Figure 4

NVivo Word Cloud

The researcher performed different frequency queries, but this figure reflected data explicitly

related to the theoretical coding and concepts for engaging in CED.

Theoretical coding summary of results. All of these methods and tools helped with the

analysis of data. The analyzed data determined if the results yielded any components of Servant

Leadership, Faith-Based Management, and or the Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Model.

After entering the manual coding into NVivo, the researcher linked the new codes to the existing

open codes. The researcher used existing codes as categories and transferred coded datum from

interviews into the nodes to show a relationship (Saldana, 2008). After analyzing both the codes

and grouping of categorized codes, NVivo helped show direct relationships for the following

theoretical coding.

The paragraph section headers point to the codes drawn from interview questions,

qualitative software, and description of the relationship to the theories discussed in chapter two.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 140

Further, refinement into subcategories as described by Saldana (2008) allowed the researcher to

transcend the data toward themes and theoretical frameworks to systematically organize

concepts. The following nine key traits of Next Generation Organizations serve as the analytical

codes used to organize the data. The researcher included vignettes that linked to the traits and

helped to build the thematic coding for the initial categories. The data was then refined and

divided into several theoretical codes (Cope, 2008).

Next Generation Organizations’ Nine Key Traits

Impact Driven. Impact driven is a trait that Cornelius et al. (2011) describe as “The

drive to achieve (that) permeates their organizational culture and working style” (p. 8). Cornelius

et al. (2011) define this trait as “the foundational ingredient for a next generation organization,

and all other traits are largely a means toward this end” (p. 8). Assigned to this trait were over

500 open codes. Broken into segments, data from this trait includes: how the organizational

mission and vision drive the impact on the community and how others are used to accomplish

this mission. The data also includes the FBO’s forms of outreach and engagement plus how it

develops and the outcomes, its business model and formal structure, and the objectives and

deliverables for engaging in CED. All of this data permitted the researcher to examine the

necessity of FBO engagement.

Finance and Business Savvy. Assigned to this trait were over 200 words, phrases,

sentences, and vignettes. Cornelius et al. (2011) state that “Financial transparency is a core

practice at next generation organizations,” and that “people at all levels of the staff and board are

comfortable talking about and planning for the financial viability of their organization” (p. 9).

Data from this trait describes the FBOs’ perceptions, experiences, and challenges relating to

business and financial savviness to provide services and offerings, needed support for success,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 141

the desired returns for engaging in CED, and how funding, communication, and activities align

with community needs.

Continuous Learning. Within this trait, the researcher segmented information that helps

to inform how the FBOs learn to support CED and determine how they learn from national,

regional, and local policies and stakeholder groups. It also provides data that reveals any

processes between the gathering of knowledge and the FBOs’ policy formation, if at all.

Attributed to this trait were 150 codes that the researcher analyzed for determining an FBO’s

ability to facilitate the learning of its people so that it is continuously transforming itself

(Cornelius et al., 2011).

Shared Leadership. The researcher analyzed over 140 coded segments determining

whether the FBOs “intentionally develop the leadership capabilities of staff so that multiple

people are contributing to the leadership process” (Cornelius et al., 2011, p. 12). It reflects how

the FBO staff, volunteers, and leadership learn from each other, how knowledge is transferred,

and what decisions determine the use of principles and best practices.

Wired for Policy Advocacy. According to Cornelius et al. (2011), “Community

organizing skills are of equal importance to skills in fundraising, financial management, board

development, and strategic planning” (p. 13). Determining if this trait existed helped the

researcher to determine the FBOs’ overall knowledge around CED. It also allowed her to gain an

understanding of their perceptions of any changes relative to CED and if applicable, why the

changes occurred. If the perceived changes exist, the data reveals their understanding of what has

driven it and any association to local or national agendas. It also yielded an understanding of

how the FBOs perceive their stakeholders’ view of CED, the support policy agenda, what could

be improved, the importance of funding history, and how they capture this data, if applicable.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 142

Multicultural and Culturally Competent. Cornelius et al. (2011) state, “Next

generation organizations go beyond valuing demographic diversity in their workforces… are

effective in working across communities and with people from cultural and social backgrounds

that are different from their own” (p. 14). Applied to this trait were about 170 coded segments.

The codes related to the organizational makeup of the FBOs and neighborhood issues they are

attempting to address. They also related to the perceptions of the interaction with those they

serve, what they need to continue engaging, challenges with engaging disadvantaged

neighborhoods, and whether they demonstrate an ability to reach this population.

Ambiguity of Work-Life Boundaries. This trait yielded the smallest amount of data

collected; discovered were only 30 direct coding segments. Cornelius et al. (2011) write, “next

generation organizations, much like a quintessential start-up, wholeheartedly embrace ROWE—

results only work environments” (p. 15). This trait informs how the FBOs’ staff perceives they

are demonstrating work-life balance. Analyzing this trait helped in determining whether the

respondents differed from those within other age categories from the demographic results.

Constituents as Thought Partners. Codifying this trait resulted in capturing data that

helped to understand the perceptions, experiences, and challenges with stakeholder engagement,

their significance, and offerings. This process also reveals how FBOs capture local objectives

and goals. It also yields information about ways local and national entities influence the FBO as

an organization and its engagement with stakeholders. According to Cornelius et al. (2011),

“Next generation organizations design programs and services with a different mindset about

constituents. Clients are equal partners…staff has influence in the organization” (p. 16). There

were almost 95 coded segments attributed to this trait.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 143

Boards as Value Add. The open code Boards as Value Add had almost 150 vignettes

relating to how the FBOs utilize others to accomplish their missions, what skills, if any, are

needed or were available, as well as the board roles and responsibilities. According to Cornelius

et al. (2011), “The next generation board derives its priorities from organizational needs and

judges itself not by efficiency measures, but by the quality of its leadership as it relates to

organizational impact” (p. 17).

Shared in the next section with supported data used in the analysis from participant

responses are related results from these traits. This section also shows the relationship with each

major theme. Cope (2010) explains that this process, data reduction, helps the researcher handle

the large amounts of data by distilling along with key themes. Another part of this process is to

present further findings organized by the research questions using “descriptive codes that come

directly from the statements of subjects” (Cope, 2010, p. 283).

Emergent Themes from Analysis

Three empowerment themes emerged from the Nvivo analysis and theoretical coding

results. The themes derived from the relationship to the nine analytical codes, auto-coded data

from the word frequency query, and other descriptive codes. The empowerment themes include

(a) interest in increasing the capacity of people to engage in CED on a tactical level, (b)

influence of community-based capacity building projects to solve neighborhood problems on an

operational level, and (c) implementation of policies from regional stakeholders that address

social and economic injustices on a strategic and regional level.

Each of the themes resulted from the analysis processes. The first theme focused on

individuals served or impacted through the organizations. The second theme has a direct tie to

the geographical location of the FBOs’ service areas that represent community neighborhoods.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 144

The difference with the last theme is that it reflects relationships with the larger faith-community

beyond the FBOs that participated and its ties to government initiatives. Therefore, it is a result

of multiple relationships and perceptions of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats of

FBOs engaging in CED with Shelbyville. In the following section, explained are more details of

the themes after a discussion on the relationship between the organizations.

Relationships between Shelbyville and FBOs

The Shelbyville leaders collaborated with many non-profits, government agencies,

higher-education facilities, and for-profit entities around a concerted effort to increase the

capacity and resources for regional development activities. To their surprise, there was limited

engagement with the faith community. Resultantly, some strategic planning efforts commenced

toward a shared plan to engage FBOs. Initiatives began with FBOs around numerous issues or

resource gaps to attempt to solve community problems, giving those interested opportunities to

become involved. Based on the data, there were questions around how this affects future

decision-making processes, social and economic justice activities, and rules of engagement for

people around these efforts. The initiatives offered FBOs an opportunity to strengthen strategic

and operational efforts regionally by engaging them tactically in CED.

With a strategic intent to influence change in their communities, some implemented

initiatives were in the form of programs, grantmaking, collaborations, and outreach to

community members from these leaders. Other efforts, according to the data, were to reduce

gentrification through increasing affordable housing units and economic inequality through

business development training and technical assistance throughout Shelbyville, Pennsylvania. As

this strategic planning process evolved, FBOs became potential resources to increase the

capacity for sustainable community change efforts. The goals and action plans established were

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 145

based on their shared vision, mission, and values, as well as the background on some of the

FBOs’ previous experiences and challenges. Though not all of the four FBOs directly

participated in Shelbyville’s initiatives, their interview responses helped to determine whether

they were benefactors. Comparatively, the responses also give context as to why they may not

have been benefactors, answering questions about whether it was not due to being engaged or

having limited engagement, etc.

Macro-Level Engagement

On a macro level, according to some of Shelbyville’s leaders, there were several

perceptions of faith-communities that could have either hindered or encouraged their

engagement nationally or regionally in CED and other efforts. As the non-FBO explained it,

“Everybody’s interested in community development, affordable housing, but when you’re talking

about faith-based endeavors, it, it was just a disconnect.” This reflection happened when the

Obama Administration began initiatives to engage FBOs nationally. Efforts spread throughout

the nation, serving as a model to engage FBOs as resources to address the needs of people and

communities, as well as social and economic injustices. At the same time, government agencies

were also encouraging private-public partnerships, initiatives, and similar types of engagement

relative to CED. During the word frequency query for this participant, provided in figure 5

below, “church,” “faith,” “community,” “development,” “people,” “housing,” and providing

“help” were among the top seven areas of concern.

Figure 5

Shelbyville Word Frequency List

Word Length Count Weighted Percentage (%) Similar Words
church 6 64 2.25 church, churches
faith 5 43 1.51 faith
community 9 38 1.34 communities, community

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 146

development 11 32 1.12 develop, developed, developer,
developers, developing,
development

people 6 31 1.09 people
housing 7 19 0.67 house, houses, housing
help 4 18 0.63 help, helping
initiative 10 18 0.63 initiative, initiatives
organizations 13 18 0.63 organization, organizations
talk 4 18 0.63 talk, talked, talks
want 4 18 0.63 want, wanted, wanting, wants
financial 9 17 0.60 financial, financially
never 5 17 0.60 never
think 5 17 0.60 think, thinking

Among those who aligned themselves with the national focus was the City of Shelbyville,

which embarked on several initiatives regionally as a non-FBO to address these needs. As a

leading representative of Shelbyville, the interviewee had experiences that explained planning

assumptions, environmental factors, industry-specific data, political knowledge, and their

understanding of the outcomes. The interview yielded data about the performances of FBOs and

the interviewee’s assessment of their engagement. Though several attempts were made to

encourage, inform, and collaborate with FBOs in CED on a regional level, according to the

participant, “it did not result in all success stories.” Nor did the efforts result in the knowledge of

the regional impact of engagement with FBOs they would have liked to see in CED. This

participant’s word frequency query in Figure 6 reflects their 15 most frequently auto-coded

topics of discussion during the interview relative to their experiences in CED. At the center of it

all, the participant emphasized the “church,” “faith,” “community,” and “development,” and this

figure demonstrates a perception of an underpinning of what happens with the “people,” which is

discussed further in this chapter.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 147

Figure 6

Shelbyville Word Frequency with Stemmed Words

Micro-Level Engagement Based on Leadership, Management, and Religiosity

In order to sustain CED, there is a perceived need to engage FBOs within Shelbyville in

several ways, according to the interview data. The data suggest that FBOs should engage within

not only the faith-communities but also the following industries: “the political, education,

housing and redevelopment, business and entrepreneurship, arts and cultural industries,

workforce development, and financial wealth building arenas.” This point is important to note, as

it was a theme first argued by the non-FBO interviewee and then reflected in the FBO related

interviews. The non-FBO interviewee stated that in Shelbyville, there was a need to “establish a

rapport” and “a relationship with FBOs.” The participant explained a need “for interaction” and

“for programming” to fulfill “a real deep dive into social service delivery or…development

within the community.” To this participant, policies and clearly defined engagement activities

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 148

could assist with social and economic injustices and initiatives in neighborhoods geared toward

solving community problems.

This perceived need for a relationship is supported by data gathered from some of the

FBOs that participated in this study. Some of the participants noted that they should have been

aware of how government policy, decisions, agendas, activities, and legislations “impact our

funding base,” affect the “building codes,” and influence the “national landscapes.” Others

eluded to the fact that “it is communication with your public officials” that may help to “meet the

needs of individuals in the community.” For another interviewee, these relationships are

important because they may help to answer questions about “concentrated poverty, why it

exists,” and whether it is “a byproduct of nature” or “a product of…systematic policy.” The

following paragraphs detail this further while extracting more data from both the non-FBO and

each of the three representatives of four FBOs that participated and showing ties to the research

questions.

The results reflect how the non-FBO participant justified the need to engage FBOs in the

political arena to sustain CED. They concluded that “there was a lot of opportunity” to engage

them in community problem solving, and they perceived that some FBOs were socially and

economically empowered to have a real impact. However, it was also expressed that factors such

as “race,” “size,” and “economic status of the congregants” determine engagement. When

continuing to answer questions to help clarify these perceptions, they replied, “When I say small,

I mean not only for the African American community, I’m talking both that there’s not a lot of

people and at the same time not putting the money in because they are disadvantaged.” Later, in

conclusion, the participant stated, “there’s probably very little chance of them doing something

so external as [brick] and mortar community development. Unless it is for their church.” The

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 149

potential types of engagement were recorded, but the participant explained, “getting to specifics

was difficult” when engaging the “faith-based community” employing “a mode of social service

delivery, connection, and development.”

The number of complaints from the participant about the efforts to engage FBOs

compared to the successes was disproportionately balanced. For one thing, they perceived that

those currently in leadership with the FBOs “have the capacity” and “know-how” to prepare

those next in line to be impactful. The participant explained that some of the FBOs that did

engage in the initiatives demonstrated business savviness and the capacity to grow in their

learning; but “they just do not want to do it.” This was captured when they stated, “A lot of them

would say they are, but no one else sees it out in (the) general community. That’s why the

churches get so much criticism.”

The interviewee suggested that these criticisms are imposed because of the leadership,

management practices, and religious association of FBOs. They questioned, “What is it? They’re

not marketing their accomplishments of what they’re doing? Or is it so internal to their

membership that there is no external facing outreach…Are there too many strings attached?”

Though some might object to this perception, these are some of the questions posed by the non-

FBO interviewee and their response to questions about the FBOs’ impact through their programs

and services. To further their point, the participant stated, “the older the pastor, the less likely

you’re going to get a lot of forward-thinking, external community development mindset,” which

offers insight into the concept of Next Generation Organizations. On the one hand, there are

these perceived challenges to addressing the needs of people, communities, and social and

economic injustices; and on the other hand, you have the argument of an “older congregation’s

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 150

inability to think outside of the box” that also determines whether the FBO succeeds in having

real community impact.

During this time, they found that some FBOs were socially and economically sound with

quite a bit of “infrastructure in place” to help sustain initiatives in community problem solving,

but others were not. They explained that though few FBOs they worked with presented attributes

of being “financially sound” with the infrastructure in place to assist with development and make

an impact within communities, many were minimally engaged in CED via assisting families

through programs and services. The interviewer argued that the level of impact was not

externally known and questioned whether it was only known internally. They also argued that

they saw a need for FBOs to increase growth enhancement for the younger generations and be

more innovative in their offerings. They went on to say that many initiatives are taking place like

“feeding the hungry,” but “What I had found, is that unless a church is already equipped as a

developer, a CDC of some kind, they have some type of development arm”; they did not and

“were not interested in brick and mortar development.”

In the course of working toward these relationships with FBOs, the participant explained

that their level of engagement, challenges, and successes depended on where they were located.

They stated, “African American churches in predominantly African American communities,

that’s where there was traction,” or in communities that were experiencing revitalization or

disinvestment. The interviewee posited their location and racial background as attributes of what

is called “their community” and the FBO leadership’s involvement depends upon the perceived

needs of that community. Though “there were bumps in the roads” according to this interviewee,

the interest to engage FBOs resulted from what they considered to be strengths of “the faith-

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 151

based community.” Discussed on a meso level and explained further in the FBO interview

finding analysis are references to other challenges, perceptions, and experiences.

Final Meso FBO Participation Results

On the meso level, the researcher studied the experiences of FBOs as groups within a

larger community of faith, and the interactions between the groups with each other and their

partners. Some perceived strengths fell under the auspice of social and economic capitals;

however, they referenced other things such as denominations, demonstrating their faith

publically, and following the pattern of “scripture.” The non-FBO interviewee touched on many

perceived leadership experiences FBOs need to demonstrate to contribute effectively to the

sustainability of CED. According to this participant, there were opportunities to say, “here [are]

some resources to help people to be able to build, to be able to grow their community in terms of

wealth, you have to teach.” Successful CED initiatives that incorporate FBOs, according to this

participant, would look like “not only are they doing [brick] and mortar, but they also tackle the

very peripheral issues that also developed [in] the community.” Additionally, the participant

explained, “[They] are also collaborating with people in the church… in nonprofits…

organizations on financial inclusion, on building wealth and teaching people.”

The remainder of the chapter highlights data from a demographic survey, interview

questions, and responses from the FBOs reflecting the relationships across the codes. The goal

was to gather data from 13 interviewees representing all four FBOs and one interview from a

non-FBO that worked with many of them. From the data, the researcher includes a brief

commentary of interviewee experiences from all 13 interviews. These interviewees each served

as a spokesperson for themselves and their relationship to the FBOs. The following information

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 152

reflects the diverse experience, generational engagement, as well as relationship with the

community of its origin and compares that to the non-FBO results.

There were 13 total participants in the study and four served as the primary leaders of the

organizations represented as either Johnstown, Fredericksville, Jamestown, or Dublinville. Each

interviewee has some relationship to an FBO, as a leader, staff, or partnering organization that

engages in or desires to engage in CED. Of the four FBOs, each had one leader participant that

was primarily responsible for the decision making, though they were held accountable to a board

or staff member(s). The FBOs also had a partner and staff or board participant to describe their

perceptions of the organization. To protect the participants’ identities, the researcher excluded

specific information about their relationships with the non-FBO, the roles and responsibilities,

and lengths of time in their positions. Thus, within the study, the reader is privy only to a general

overview of the participants, their understanding of how the City of Shelbyville could influence

their direct impact, and the perceptions of whether it was an interest.

To qualify the perception of the non-FBO that “there are other pastors out there

beside[s]” those frequently called upon to speak on behalf of the faith community as a whole,

who are doing the work, the participating FBOs’ data were analyzed. The data reflects levels of

diversity from one another and years of experience with their current organizations and

engagement within CED. With approximately 70% of them having fewer than 10 years’

experience in their role, others had 10 years or more experience. Ninety-one percent had

experience with CED. Fifty percent had more than five to 10 years of experience in such

activities. Two of the four leaders were directly involved in the creation of the FBO, its

programs, and initiatives. The four staff or board members interviewed also varied in experience,

being new to either working with an FBO or engagement in CED. Similarly, the non-FBO and

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 153

partner organization’s experience varied in its relationship with the FBO and engagement in

CED. The remaining overview of the FBOs and findings yields data around leadership,

management, and perceived challenges of religiosity.

Jonestown – FBO #1 Overview

Faith-Based Organization, number one (FBO1), Jonestown, was established about 20

years ago as an attempt to reduce the number of drug-related shootings in the community.

According to the FBO’s literature, a part of its motto is to empower children, families, and

communities using both traditional and non-traditional innovative programs and services. All of

the programs and services were established to create financial wealth and jobs and provide

opportunities for skill-building, entrepreneurship, or other means. As a formal non-profit

organization still claiming its association with a local church, it has partnered with over 50 other

entities and individuals to fulfill its mission over the years. In doing so, it has been accredited for

its outstanding impact on engagement, education, and culturally relevant initiatives. This FBO

promotes its programs and services through community meetings, events, online platforms,

partners, and friends, as well as print mediums. Though it has achieved many accomplishments

for its award-winning approaches in its advocacy around the need to invest in children and

families, it still maintains its roots beginning with the church.

Fredericksville – FBO #2 Overview

Faith-Based Organization number two (FBO2), Fredericksville, with over 30 years of

experience engaging with the public through its religious association, prepares leaders for local,

state, national, and international challenges to promote healthy communities. This FBO began

and maintains its’ initiatives under the umbrella of an educational facility affiliated with a

national church. In 2019, the FBO offered instruction, research, and community engagement

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 154

around academic, advocacy, and programmatic activities. With 31% of its students being a

minority, it is located predominately in an African American community with which, within the

last couple of years, they have begun to engage. This FBO provides a comprehensive cross-

cultural experience within the areas of service, justice, and Christian education. Since 1991,

through its flexible programs, both community members and others have benefitted from the

opportunities to learn how to apply their faith as practitioners. The FBO helps develop

individuals for ministry purposes and prepares those seeking to serve in other areas such as

business, education, arts, or work within the communities. With its association with a higher

educational institution in Southwestern PA, it just recently began to engage in local CED related

activities.

Jamestown – FBO #3 Overview

Faith-Based Organization, number three (FBO3), Jamestown, has a national affiliation

that was founded in 1976; with the help of supporters and volunteers of all faiths, this site was

incorporated 20 years later to assist with the goal to eliminate poverty. It now serves its 13

communities, both urban and rural, toward empowerment through collective efforts with other

FBOs as well as public and private entities. This FBO publically discloses that it is a faith-based

ministry that impacts insecurities for families through some initiatives and types of engagements.

As an anti-poverty approach, FBO3 focuses its efforts on providing opportunities for self-

reliance to individuals and helping them acquire access, skills, and financial education. Most of

how it accomplishes its’ goals are through partnering with others, relying on the support and

structure provided by its national affiliation, and utilizing volunteers. This FBO has access to

glean from best practices and efforts from those in 50 states and 70 countries, as well as from its

stakeholders for its programs for asset building, affordable housing, and economic stability.

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Dublinville – (FBO) #4 Overview

Faith-Based Organization, number four (FBO4), Dublinville, is a Christian-based church

that focuses most of its services around its surrounding community as a direct legacy of its

founder, who is not the current pastor. At its foundation, it uses biblical principles in establishing

programs and services, developing its board and employees, and demonstrating the values of

business development for the transformation of others. Through several collaborative efforts, it

engages the community through faith-based activities, agriculture, arts, business training,

education, and employment. The FBO offers opportunities for many to learn about the

community as well as African American heritage through some of its initiatives, including

STEM education for local youth. It is one of the four FBOs that established a community and

economic division, concentrating on making a greater impact through its serving. The interview

questions allowed the researcher to delve deeper into the experiences of the FBOs and obtain the

following findings.

Engaging FBOs in CED Findings

RQ1: FBOs’ Perceived Leadership Needs to Sustain CED

In summarizing and comparing the qualitative results of the four FBOs interviewed, the

data suggests there are perceived leadership experiences needed to contribute effectively to the

sustainability of community economic development. The theoretical coding revealed that there is

a relationship between there being an interest in CED and its effects on people and an effort to

identify ways to address community problem solving as well as social and economic injustices.

The researcher discovered the themes through an interpretative phenomenological analysis. The

interview results drawn from the aforementioned assessment were analyzed on individual

experience with these phenomena. The FBOs’ responses were then compared to the non-FBO’s

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and one another, to either validate or refute the perceptions, experiences, and challenges. Lastly,

the data for this research question on perceived leadership needs was analyzed specifically to

determine if it yielded any Servant Leadership components. As one participant stated, “I don’t

think we operate really any differently than any other organization would. I mean, you want the

best-qualified people to work with.”

Theme 1: Empowered People on an Individual Level

Based on Shelbyville’s non-FBO interview, some perceived leadership experience FBOs

need to demonstrate to contribute effectively to the sustainability of CED includes the ability to

empower others to address community problems as well as social and economic injustices. The

participant explained that FBOs would get less criticism is they functioned within their strength,

which is to use the “trust” and “connectivity” they have with people to help with the

“handholding” necessary to “build the community up.”

They argue that whether the FBO is “small” or “large,” unless it is a “disadvantaged

church” or one of many “disadvantaged parishioners,” people can be empowered by its

leadership. They defined small in this case as “100 members or less,” or, as an organization that

struggles with being able to “cover its own expenses.” Therefore, small was defined not only by

the size of the organization but also by the financial accountability of the leaders. They

explained, “in non-predominant African American churches, you can have a small

congregation… But the individuals who attend, have money.” This participant defined

disadvantaged as those parishioners or leaders who are not empowered with the skills, resources,

or generational knowledge required for success.

An experience with FBOs they provided described how they were engaged “to educate,

mentor, and actually help with the books” of businesses. The hope was to assist “black

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businesses” specifically “with administrative matters, payroll, personnel, paperwork, [and]

overhead.” Concerns were expressed that “Black businesses know their skill, they know their

trade, but they are not the best” in these areas, as was the perception that some FBOs have the

“capacity” and “know-how” to help, but “they don’t want to do it.” Another concern about FBOs

that was expressed during these engagements is that their leaders “would say they are [were

helping], but no one else sees it out in [the] general community. That’s why the churches get so

much criticism.” In summary, the Shelbyville interview suggests that if an FBO is engaged in

CED, they can empower others by “thinking outside the box. Thinking in terms of impact. Not

on tradition, but on real impact.”

A question that was presented to this interviewee is “What would a successful, impact

driven, faith-based organization look like in the areas of community economic development?”

The responses to this question: “not only are they doing [brick] and mortar, but they also tackle

the very peripheral issues that also developed in the community,” and going beyond, saying,

“we’re gonna pray.” They went on to challenge FBOs by saying, “if you’re serious about it, and

it’s really not about the church, it’s really just about the community,” then “go talk to the

mayor…talk to City Council.” They argued to the leaders, “You’re putting yourself on the same

level. It’s just that you got a different pipeline.”

The Shelbyville non-FBO interview data revealed several attributes to being socially and

economically empowered for CED. They argued, “we’re always talking about the charity part,

[and] giving. We have free clothes, we have free this, we have that, but we don’t talk about

enabling.” Instead, they responded that they would like FBO leadership to have a “forward-

thinking, external community development mindset.” Their additional criticism of FBOs

engaged in CED was based on the perception that “it’s all old heads…I’m so sick of seeing silver

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hair…where the young people at?” They also explained successful FBOs engaged in CED

collaborate with people in the church and nonprofit organizations on financial inclusion, building

wealth, and teaching people about affordable housing, homeownership, and education. Of the

many examples provided, the conclusion was that FBO activities should drive impact.

Impact driven. Data gathered from both the leader and partner of the four FBOs yielded

the following information about leadership relative to the Impact Driven = A1 trait, analytical

coding. Each of these participants confirmed that their organization existed to fulfill the need of

the communities in which they served. They discussed the FBO’s mission and vision relative to

how it serves as a driver to make an impact on the community. Three of the leaders expressed

that they were “embedded in” the neighborhood because the FBO’s original leaders who founded

the organization saw a need (Leader 4). Another participant stated that the FBO was “a

neighborhood-based ministry” (Staff 4). Emphasized by almost all participants during the

interviews this concept of neighborhood-based practices and policies emerged in the coding

process.

One participant from FBO4 stated their mission was to “love God, love people, live like

Jesus,” reflecting a concept present within each of the participants (Leader 4), although not

spoken that directly. This FBO’s staff person described their desire to impact as one “all geared

towards trying to provide and connect people to opportunities” (Staff 4) when they referred to

their mission. This participant also described their perception of the FBOs’ responsibility to

those in the community with the following statement: “Where there are situations and

circumstances, challenges, and problems that are in line with the gifts and skill sets that we have

– we feel like it’s our task to make earth look more like heaven” (Leader 4). This participants’

perspective was that this approach was necessary for FBOs to engage in CED. They stated,

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“[W]hen you think about the things that people do on Sundays or throughout the week, really

their service to the church, but they’re volunteering. We’re trying to recreate that in the

community” (Leader 4).

FBO1 spoke of how they desire to have an impact on the community through

empowering “individuals and families to tap into their natural talents” and “connect them to

opportunities.” The leader explained that empowering other people is done by providing them

with “resources, training, teachings,” and “education.” This participant explained, “we want to

teach them how to fish so they could feed themselves and their families and maybe somebody

else’s family” (Leader 4). In addition to teaching people how to support themselves, they noted,

“We want to teach them how to own the pond that they’re fishing in. So that they can… put

people to work” (Leader 1).

FBO2 expounded further on how they employ best practices around and are empowered

by others, as one leader noted, “we value partnership…we value mutuality…we value

diversity…[and] we help to formulate collaborations” to fulfill the mission and vision of the

organization and impact the community (Leader 2).

FBO3 demonstrated their best practices as they sought to fulfill “a need in the community

for affordable housing that was not being met,” and raved about “the pleasure of meeting or

knowing most of those families” (Partner 3). Their partner explained an experience where one of

their families had become volunteers themselves as a board member and the other made lunches

for certain projects. This participant stated, “We knew that they had [the] potential to really be

contributing to the community far beyond their own needs.” These experiences were a direct

result of FBO3’s mission “to create [an] impact on the community by serving in a leadership

role” (Leader 3).

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When either the staff or board representative was asked question A2 to describe how the

organization is utilizing others to help with accomplishing its mission, the findings showed that

FBOs, to forward their mission, used others to “create” or “connect people to opportunities” and

for:

• “community outreach and events,”

• “committees,”

• “administering their programs and services,”

• “governance,”

• “mentoring opportunities,”

• “advisory capacities,” and

• “grant[s].”

Others responded that they use others in the following manner:

• “Expose students to the context in which they can be called into minister…trying to at

least create opportunities where those contexts or connections are” (Staff 2);

• “we rely on community partners who contract with us and then we provide

transportation to youth in the community” (Staff 4);

• “community partners, other nonprofit organizations, kind of that intermediary to

provide services to the community” (Staff 4); and

• “buy into the mission and understanding that we serve this community, we’re here for

this community” (Staff 4).

To gain an understanding from the partner’s perception of the FBO’s ability to be impactful to

the community, they were asked question A3. This question is about forms of outreach and

engagement FBOs use to make the community aware of what is offered. Forms of outreach and

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engagement range from “camps,” “programs,” “artistic work,” “mission trips,” “a bible study,”

“meetings,” “events,” “reaching out into the churches,” “social media,” “public relations,”

“through other departments,” and “flyers.” One participant’s perspective of FBO4 is that its

outreach and engagement is “probably a weaker point,” and another responded that FBO3 “has

struggled with [it] a little bit.” A third participant explained that FBO2’s potential partnership on

a mixed-use building “opens engagement for people to look at a faith-based [organization] in a

different perspective,” and thereby, changes a previous perception of this FBO: “they want one

side…[of the community] and we want the other.” Other respondents describe their community

awareness efforts in the following ways:

• “moved from that sort of missiological adventure [to] more of an investigation of

justice or lack of justice” (Staff 2);

• “feel like the community’s not aware. People do great work and then there’s always

people that are just unaware…such a transient community that you have to get geared

up to really do the outreach every year and not assume that, ‘Well, hey, I’ve done this

before where I’m already working with these’…have to do on a consistent basis”

(Partner 4);

• “community outreach meetings that were not well attended…the misconception is

that you have to give us. It’s not a handout, it’s a hand-up” (Partner 3); and

• “I think the thing that we don’t do enough of is engaging the community…hoping to

do more of that” (Staff 4).

Further information from the respondents explained that this engagement developed in many

ways:

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• “informally…or by providing an ‘opportunity to ask questions’ such as ‘what sort of

things that you like, what are things that you don’t like’” (Staff 1);

• “They have developed through just personal relationships. Through other nonprofits

that service communities in different ways. My personal relationships and the various

committees or boards” (Staff 2);

• “they contact us because…somebody else told them about us” (Staff 3); and

• “we have been in this community…we have only done neighborhood-based ministry”

(Staff 4).

As the final question (A8) about the leadership experience needed to effectively contribute to the

sustainability of CED, the leader was asked if the FBO discovered something was missing that

prompted the engagement. Two of the leaders explained a desire to meet the “felt needs” of

community members. Others explained that it was through their experience, “Hand in hand with

the community outside,” with the people in the community that they understood their needs.

Leader 2 stated they have been working to “discern how do we get involved with community

economic development.”

One participant responded, “this work ought to be central to the ethos of the entire

institution” (Leader 2) as they spoke about CED. The third participant (Leader 3) explained, “the

emphasis was to create change where you defined the paradigm that existed in the

community…community members felt that they were often left out of the conversations with the

City of [Shelbyville].” Another participant explained that they identified a need in the

community because, in their experience, it was “difficult for a lot of these young boys to get

jobs,” “there [were] a lot of shootings,” and they were “burying black boys between the age of

14 and 26” (Leader 1). They further explained the challenges they saw: “single parent

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homes…children need to see a balance of both men and women in their lives…[and] positive

role models” (Leader 1).

Participant four, as the leader of the organization, expressed their concerns about a

perceived injustice by stating, “only other neighborhoods in our city has places and spaces where

people can work and just hang out and meet people” (Leader 4). When they described their drive

for impact and expected outcome of their efforts, “the idea is that the children, in particular, will

have opportunities to go places and do things that they otherwise wouldn’t.” Cornelius et al.

(2011) write, “For next generation organizations, success is defined as mission impact,” and they

“are obsessively results-oriented and welcome new ways of thinking about solutions” (p. 8).

Finance and business savvy. Cornelius et al. (2011) purport, “Next generation

organizations…effectively manage to a dual bottom line: financial viability and positive social

impact” (p. 8). To gain an understanding from the partner’s perception of the FBO, they were

asked to describe what support for the organization is successful or needed from question B2.

The findings resulted in the following list as it relates to leadership:

• “fundraising” (Partner 1);

• “money” (Partner 1);

• “Volunteers. Volunteers are the backbone…you need those skilled volunteers that

know how to do the less you have to pay for the services to be done”

(Partner 3);

• “donate their services…donate the supplies” (Partner 3);

• “the people that we have on the board…their jobs are in finance or are CPAs” (Staff

4);

• “support and helping them get the word out” (Partner 4);

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• “platforms” (Partner 4); and

• “opportunities for them to share your message with people” (Partner 4).

The previous summary of responses shows the relationship between leadership and finances, but

the next sections speak to the roles of continuous learning and leadership.

Continuous learning. Cornelius et al. (2011) define continuous learning as being

“similar to Peter Senge’s definition of the ‘learning organization’” with five characteristics:

systems thinking, personal mastery, effective use and discarding of mental models,

organizational shared vision, and team learning (p. 10). Therefore, the researcher chose to ask

question C1 of the leader for purposes of understanding their perception of how the organization

learns to support CED. FBO4’s leader said that they learned to support CED “from the

community…Jump on a train that they’re on and take that ride with them…learn why they’re

going in that direction.” They continued to say, “you can learn from the smallest child in the

community to the oldest citizen in the community.” Each of the other FBO leaders’ perceptions

was similar and expanded these thoughts further to include being in a “partnership,” learning

“qualitatively,” “talking to people,” “observing,” “seeing what’s going on in the community,”

“reading the paper,” “being in the schools,” “through other organizations,” and “through the

church.” The results help to determine the FBO’s ability “to facilitate the learning of an

organization’s people so that it is continuously transforming itself” (Cornelius et al., 2011, p.

11).

Shared leadership. A staff or board member was asked question D2, how is knowledge

transferred? Pearce, Wasaneer, and Manz (2014) write, “all leadership is shared leadership; it is

simply a matter of degree—sometimes it is shared completely while at other times it is not

shared at all” (p. 277). Asking this question generated the following responses and helped to

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determine if “value participatory democracy” exists within the FBO (Cornelius et al., 2011, p.

12). This means they may have a say in the world around them and can influence the decisions

(Hauben, 2014). For these FBOs, knowledge is transferred through individual and group

meetings that include a “staff meeting,” “in-service weeks,” “in-depth professional

development,” and “meeting with the board of directors.” Staff 3 stated that these meetings and

discussions “[give] you the chance to ask questions or clarify something,” and that “Everybody

needs to know what everybody’s doing.” Other participants stated that it is transferred through

“communication,” “on the ground working,” and “directly with the families,” and through

methods such as “things are documented,” “chain of command,” “planning a work project,”

“then we want people to kind of bring that information back what you learned and how you

applied it.” The participants spoke also of how technology is used to transfer knowledge through

email and web-based project management tools. Others spoke about how “you’ve seen the rising

up of community organizations and…other groups that have said, well, no, we’ve got to have a

stake in what’s happening in our communities” (Leader 2).

Wired for policy advocacy. According to Cornelius et al. (2011), a job description of the

leader includes public policy work in pursuit of structural changes that would eliminate or reduce

the need to exist. Consequently, the researcher felt that having multiple participants answer the

following questions would supply adequate data. The partner was asked question E5 to describe

their perception of the FBO’s understanding of the CED support policy agenda. The leader was

asked question E6 regarding their understanding of what could improve the CED agenda. The

partner’s perceptions varied from “I don’t know” (Partner 2) to more explicit information,

referring to the FBO’s community and not the overall national CED support policy agenda. They

responded that CED locally was driven by:

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• “the voices of the people, what the community wants, what you want for your

children, what you want for yourself, and what you want for your community as a

whole” (Partner 1);

• “it’s always to improve the community” (Partner 3);

• “town hall meetings” (Partner 3); and

• “commissioners meet monthly and have board meetings and set the policies for the

city” (Partner 3).

However, Partner 4 spoke from a general perspective of CED and not on behalf of the FBO,

responding as follows regarding CED support policy:

• “it’s driven by money and for people to make money”;

• “ways for wealthy people to make a lot of money and, oh, they can invest in these

poor communities”;

• “what happens is if I’m just investing and my purpose is to make money – I’m not

investing in things that make the community better inherently”;

• “We’re going to get people to put money in these communities and that’ll be a good

thing because that’s what they need”; and

• “they never thought about if you take that much capital and you invested in these

types of communities that are in disarray and you do it in a quick time period – you

also leaving no room for any other narrative other than displacement.”

The leaders’ responses are similar as they shared some insight on the social injustices:

• “What I’m seeing today [is] a lot of educated, conscientious folks who are saying,

who know their rights, who know…and or are learning…just how this game is

played” (Leader 2).

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• “And are having…a more diverse…pool of people at the table that are making these

decisions” (Leader 2).

• “Now, is it where it needs to be? Oh my gosh, not at all” (Leader 2).

• “You get these stakeholders who have deep pockets that feel they can just buy these

organizations… And these folks might get enamored by all that… and ended up

caving in on what they think or should be good for the community” (Leader 2).

• “Then you have players that come to the table and I’ve witnessed speak circles around

those who have the community’s best interest in mind, but just don’t have the

knowledge base and the expertise to be able to speak reputably in these types of

audiences” (Leader 2).

• “There’s still a long way to go as it relates to just having the knowledge base and

having the right players in the right seats” (Leader 2).

• “The change is because people have been more enlightened as to what needs to

happen” (Leader 1).

As it relates to the economic injustice around the property and land ownership, the participant

responses include:

• “People are buying up pieces of property… that other people aren’t thinking

about…buying them up in droves…they have control of the land…building with

people who are called developers or investors…they have a plan for all that land that

they bought in your community” (Leader 1).

• “That was the model. And I think it’s still, in some ways it’s still kind of like the

model…So community development for some people is really still brick and mortar.

It’s not people” (Leader 1).

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Comments around local, national, and regional advocacy and policy include:

• “I think that the only thing that is changing the initiatives…community development,

CDC initiatives, is the people that are engaged. So there are people that are engaged

now who care more about people who have seen this model, that doesn’t work”

(Leader 1).

• “I’m more on the doer side than trying to be on the cutting edge of what’s happening

with regard to policy and all of that” (Leader 4).

• “I don’t really think about it as trying to impact the entire field of community and

economic development. That’s not how I think about the work. Then again, maybe I

should. But, I don’t want to sacrifice execution to do that” (Leader 4).

• “So, there’s a certain sense of urgency that I feel about this work and particularly as

things are heating up in the city around real estate and so on and so on. I think you

have a window of time, particularly if you’re talking about acquiring property –

there’s a window [of opportunity] and people from around the country and buying up

and the rest of [Shelbyville]” (Leader 4).

• “I don’t spend a whole bunch of time trying to figure out the policy and sort of macro-

level stuff really is—I’m pretty homocentric in my energy effort, research and work”

(Leader 4).

• “Right now I feel there is a shift in, to a certain degree, some turmoil as far as

community and economic development policies and just overall opportunity that’s

presented at higher levels, federal and state levels” (Leader 3).

• “The current administration puts [an] emphasis on the state to take responsibility of a

number of different community development areas and arenas of opportunity. So, that

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obviously then further, I’ll say, limits state resources because now that you have an

influx of organizations coming forward that used to depend on the federal

government might have now limited or no access to funding” (Leader 3).

The next section demonstrates whether there is consistent thought among the staff of FBOs and

how “they don’t demonstrate work-life balance… Being involved in so many different

organizations that are there trying to address the need…it creates an imbalance in the personal

ecosystem” (Staff 2).

Ambiguity of work-life boundaries. Cornelius et al. (2011) submit a concern about the

previous generation of leadership and write, “next generation leaders believe that maintaining

good work/life balance is essential to staying effective in their jobs” (p. 15). The researcher

chose to address the only question that falls within this category (F1) to staff or board members

associated with the FBOs to learn more about their experience demonstrating work-life balance.

The findings show:

• “when you’re working with people, it’s hard because you get so invested, you want to

keep going” (Staff 1);

• “you should enjoy your time” (Staff 1);

• “unless you take care of yourself first, you’re not really going to be providing your

best work” (Staff 1);

• “their mission permeates all of that and not in the sense of it takes it over, but it’s a

part of that without being all of the slices. It’s just part of who we are” (Staff 3);

• “I think we encourage people” (Staff 4);

• “I really believe it’s an individual decision” (Staff 4);

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• “I get started at six in the morning, it could have just ended at 1:00 AM…I don’t

encourage anyone else to do that” (Staff 4); and

• “[I] want people to have that balance because I think people are happier when they

have work-life balance” (Staff 4).

In addition to demonstrating work-life balance, responses from the non-FBO suggest that an

initiative that they engaged in “basically told them that the faith-based community is out there.”

The participant stated that we “need to know this,” and the next section on being multi-cultural

and culturally competent provides data to understand this analytically. It supplies insights into

experiences around best practices, concerns, and the influence of the leadership in sustainable

efforts for people, community change efforts, as well as social and economic injustices.

Multicultural and culturally competent. The researcher referred to question I2, what

neighborhood issues is the organization currently attempting to address, to the staff or board

member to better understand this phenomenon from their perspectives. The responses varied

from trying to directly address “community divestment,” “economic justice,” “public health,”

“environmental justice,” “revitalizing the community,” and “safe, decent affordable housing” to

“inevitable redevelopment” or “indirect gentrification.” A participant expressed their concerns

by stating, “most of the people that live here have lived here for generations. And so, would it be

right to have a whole new community and the people that stayed here…for decades if they

weren’t there to enjoy it?” (Staff 1). The participant followed up by saying, “how do we make

sure that we develop the community and keep the community here so that they can kind of reap

the benefits?” (Staff 1).

Cornelius et al. (2011) state that Next Generation Organizations “partner with others to

build their capacity as agents of multicultural responsiveness and equity” (p. 14). Thus, the

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researcher posed two questions to the FBOs’ partners. They were asked question I1, which is to

describe the organization in relation to the neighborhood where the community members are and

whether those that work there or serve in leadership roles commute or live in the neighborhood.

One partner of FBO1 responded that 75% of the full-time and part-time staff potentially came

from the community. FBO2’s partner stated, “not that I know of,” when asked this question.

Most of the responses came from the partners of FBO3 and FBO4. Both of these individuals

explained how, if the individual did not currently live in the community, they have a connection

in some way.

Each partner explained how the FBOs diversify the team by including community

members or those they serve as board members or employees. Partner 3 explained, “Staff lives

primarily in the communities in which we serve…there is…direct pride…if they don’t currently

reside there, at one time, did.” They continued to say, it “brings a perspective that we will never

have because we’ve never been,” and “they actually have input and say in policy-making

decisions of the board on how it’s going to affect the families.” Partner 4’s responses were quite

similar as they stated that FBO4 had a “good mix” of staff, saying, “not too young, not too old”

and “a couple of staff that live in [the] community.” However, they did explain that there were

more that commute into the neighborhood than that explained by the other partner.

More descriptive information was provided when the researcher asked question I3 about

the kind of interactions the FBO has with its members or the population it serves. One partner

primarily spoke of the executive director’s interactions and said the FBO leader “feeds the

kids…gives them support…influence[s] a kid to want to be or be intrigued or curious about

technology.” Partner 2 shared how FBO2 “extended that invitation, an open invitation to

participate in different classes.” FBO3’s partner referred to how “They do events… at Christmas

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time” and “They keep in touch with all of those .” This partner also explained

that in times of crisis, if the FBO “is not able to provide that assistance, then they’re referring

them to who can.” One story was shared about how leadership “got them through to the point

where he found a job,” in reference to an interaction with someone they served. FBO Partner 4

spoke of how most of the engagement happens through the programs either in the school, during

the weekends, or in vacation bible school, and both parents and kids are engaged. They

continued to add, “As far as the community economic development – also I think through the

actual worship services where some people come here,” and further explained that this FBO has

several spaces where people come to connect (Partner 4).

Constituents as thought partners. Cornelius et al. (2011) write, “Next generation

organizations understand that those to whom they are accountable are in the best position to

participate in problem solving” (p. 16). The researcher asked three questions of the FBO leader

to help the readers understand their perceptions about engaging others in CED, as in its

significance and to discover any specific characteristics. The researcher captured their responses

in the following table for question G1, which asks which stakeholders or support organizations

are most important for engaging in CED. The text that follows adds context as the leaders

explain why these stakeholders are important and may demonstrate whether they understand who

is accountable to whom in CED.

Table 8

FBO Leaders’ Perceptions on What Stakeholders Do to Engage in CED and Why

FBO Leader 1 FBO Leader 2 FBO Leader 3 FBO Leader 4

stakeholders who
have developed
relationships with

community
representatives

[the answer varies]
depending on
programs and
projects, it can vary

at the city level, the
Urban
Redevelopment
Authority – the city

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 173

the people in the
community

owns a lot of this
property.

[those who have]
developed a track
record for serving
people

folks that are living,
working, worshiping,
playing in these
communities to be able to
be at the table… to have
the knowledge base to
have that proper
conversation.

ultimately every
stakeholder has
value…It’s just
identifying what
bucket they best fall
into

residents of the
neighborhood

[those who] have a
track record for
doing good
organizational
work

[this depends,] it really is
having the right
watchdogs and making
sure that these
organizations are
properly diversified to
have the checks and
balances are necessary.

even those outside of
the community can
share their
experience, their best
practices

The City itself is
usually important

people who live in
these houses

If the stakeholders
have [a] passion to
help, and assist, and
create real change,
I’m always a firm
believer [that]
knowledge will catch
up to passion.

taxing bodies,[for]
being able to get
NPPs [Neighborhood
Partnership Program]
tax credits

people who
walked these
streets

developers

[people] who keep
the lights on [in
the community]

people who have
access to resources
and the ability to
marshal architects
and permitting and all
of that.
entrepreneurs,
business people, and
people who are
willing to risk capital
to improve things.
small business[es],
[and] large
business[es]

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 174

FBO Leader 1 stated, “the organizations are here to empower the stakeholders,” and “it’s

the people, the taxpayers, that are the stakeholders.” They expressed that it is “the blueprint for

the community…the story of the community…that helps people to understand…what the next

move needs to be.” This participant further explained, “The community has actually developed

those blueprints through their lives and through their experiences.”

FBO Leader 2 stated, “we need to make sure that everyone is coming to the table and

doing the work that they’re supposed to be doing justly and as they proposed…and not rendering

a different outcome than what was initially negotiated.”

FBO Leader 3 suggested that it is about “being able to utilize the resource talents,

expertise at the appropriate time and place,” and that the “most significant attributes then would

fall in passion.”

FBO Leader 4 expressed their belief that “it really is the infrastructure of the City in

particular that helps facilitate…they have control, that’s a big deal,” when they spoke about

which stakeholders are important to engage in CED. They went on to explain why they included

businesses as important stakeholders and stated, “business development, creation because that

creates jobs…Then entrepreneurs have [the] passion and the desire to see things change.”

All of these responses demonstrate how the participants see their stakeholders, perceive

their significance, define what characteristics are important to them, and determine whether they

consider them as unique. In summary, Cornelius et al. (2011) state, Next Generation

Organizations’ “staff and board understand cultural competence and aspire to improve in

appreciation, recognition, and understanding of individuals’ cultural differences and similarities”

(p. 14).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 175

Boards as value add. Cornelius et al. (2011) write, “Instead of power struggles with the

executive director over roles and responsibilities, the next generation board is viewed through an

asset-based lens” (p. 16). Servant Leadership, according to Patterson (2003), suggests,

“Empowerment is the ability to serve followers to achieve their full potential through

highlighting their strengths and placing them in opportunities to be successful” (p. 19).

Therefore, the researcher found it necessary to ask the FBO leaders for a description of the

governing boards’ roles and responsibilities, and the structure of their meetings (question H3).

This provides data relevant to their perceptions, experiences, and challenges. The findings

showed that the FBOs’ boards were engaged in the governance of the organizations, as well as

the programmatic components available to their stakeholders. Two of the four leaders explained

that the board served as a “committee” member for “strategy,” “program development,”

“financial decision making,” human capital needs, and other areas of support for the executive

director.

One participant explained how their board has “respect and admonish [sic] for there to be

more work done throughout the community…given us a full stamp of approval as [it] relates to

community engagement” (Leader 2). This same interviewee explains that “economic

development, a lot of times is really difficult for some people to understand how that fits within

an institute….And in [particular] how it fits within an [organization]…as [it] relates to a type of

faith, a place of faith.” They concluded their comments by saying, “it’s really hard sometimes for

people to see beyond, um, like I said, the first faces of ministry… Should this be in churches and

not necessarily where we’re educating people who are leading churches?” (Leader 2).

FBO4 explained that some of their board serves as “deacons and trustees” within the

ministry, though this was not expressed by the other participants. These board members are

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 176

“apprised of the various projects,” and they “approve the annual budget” and “talk to the

congregation, [to] get their feedback” (Leader 4). This expression of the role and responsibilities

is similar to what is defined by management theories and practices, which is discussed further in

the following section.

RQ2: FBOs’ Perceived Management Challenges in Implementation

To examine the perceived management challenges in the implementation of programs

and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED, data were analyzed to answer

research question 2. More specifically, the researcher sought to determine if it yielded any Faith-

Based Management components. The non-FBO participant spoke about the financial challenges

that FBOs have when trying to engage in CED, and they perceived that there are limitations to

their business savviness and management capabilities. Their understanding of these limitations

was based on the capacity of the organization in size or financial positioning. Many comparisons

of “smaller versus larger” organizations were provided. They even discussed the importance of

the FBOs’ structure and those that belonged to “consortiums of some sort.” The participant

explained that success in impact is also dependent on their business model and formal structure,

as in whether or not they are a CDC, social enterprise, or for-profit or non-profit organization.

During the non-FBO interview, there were many comments about the need to

demonstrate the FBOs’ impact when engaging with external entities overall. However, the main

point this interviewee’s data revealed is that there are questions about their outcomes. They

complained about the number of meetings that took place during their initiatives and described

them as “democracies” within themselves. One of the FBO leaders also used this term as they

explained how they wanted to avoid this type of behavior in their organization. The non-FBO,

however, experienced this because of attempting to have a clear understanding of what a faith-

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 177

based initiative looks like within politics, even in engaging with the FBOs. They asked questions

like “How do you define it?” Further responding with a smirk, the participant stated, “I don’t

think an outcome is me sitting through meetings with pastors and what have you.” They also

questioned this by saying, “we talk about issues” but “What are your outcomes?”

The interview data spoke clearly to this non-FBO’s perception of how management

decisions were or were not addressing the needs of people and the social and economic

injustices. They explained, “You know, there are programs within the churches. Some of the

larger churches particularly, but…I don’t see a major impactful outreach.” Another concern

expressed during the interview and mentioned earlier is those referenced as having “the

disadvantage,” this was frequently about minority populations. However, the majority of the time

it spoke directly about the African American race and those living in poverty. In one reference,

the participant explained, “Let’s face it, in the African American community and in poor

communities, there aren’t that many people equipped to do much of anything outside…as far as

broad-based development outside of taking care of their home, or, a small apartment building.”

They went on to explain by saying, “There’s really just not the resources or the history of having

passed down resources” and other things such as “knowledge,” “education,” “networks,” and

“connections to be able to do development.”

Theme 2: Empowered Communities for Solving Neighborhood Problems

According to the data, the business model and formal organizational structure may

determine the levels of engagement of FBOs in CED and determine whether they can empower

communities to solve neighborhood problems. The non-FBO interviewee stated, “What I had

found, is that unless a church is already equipped as a developer, a CDC of some kind, they have

some type of development arm” or are “financially sound, [aren’t] interested, in that; not in

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 178

development.” Some of the FBOs engaged with this participant were described as having a

development arm that was already established. Though the FBOs’ activities were related to

aspects of CED, it was “programming…but not development.” Further explained, it was more

specific to other initiatives like day camps, “feeding the hungry,” and “giving out free glasses,”

and in “predominantly non-African American churches…they were not interested in [brick] and

mortar.” A strategy implemented to engage multiple FBOs was to offer opportunities on both

large and small projects, and this was done in consideration of “The ones that are not financially

sound. The smaller churches…congregations…revenues, that could not compete with overhead

and administrative costs.” Lastly, they expounded by saying that the levels of “Just

programming” were not enough to demonstrate enough community impact, “but [in] the African

American churches in predominantly African American communities…there was traction.”

Impact driven. However, when the FBO leaders were asked to describe the business

model and formal structure, processes involved, benchmarking, mapping, focus groups/seminars,

and questions about their representative in the community (question A6), it yielded different

responses. The findings showed that FBO1 prides itself in several areas, like in having a “motto,

one of empowerment” and providing programs within its community. They stated “[our]

operation and all of our employees are here…all of our programs are based here with the

exception of the ones that we replicate in other communities or in public schools…programs are

micro enterprise-based” (Leader 1).

Whereas, the findings reveal that FBO2 was concerned about how they:

could end up being colonizers ourselves … if our methods are [in] certain ways…how

then do we replicate our footprint?… [W]e have embedded within the

community…stems collaboration as far as having the ideas and methodologies…not just

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 179

the methods that we see as beneficial for us…methods that the community sees as being

beneficial for their own development (Leader 2).

Now, FBO3 spoke more about how their day-to-day activities and outreach:

[The activities are] designed by using the practice model… [We] extrapolate some of the

best practice methods to proceed forward into our communities in which we serve… We

have a diverse board both [of] members that reside in the community and those away

from the community involved in business activities in the community… [W]e do have

[an] outreach in which we can get an assessment of the community and its needs, but

primarily at this time, it’s through volunteers (Leader 3).

Lastly, FBO4 discussed how ownership and business development were important to them: “our

church owns and operates our businesses…community and economic development

division… Company actually is a separate, a separately incorporated C

Corporation…our offices are located here” (Leader 4).

When the staff or board member answered questions about whether the organization has

clearly defined objectives and deliverables for engaging in CED, the findings varied. One

responded: “Yeah…economic goals…we review our programs and any other events coming on

to make sure that they actually tie into that mission and that vision” (Staff 1). Another answered:

Not to where I would like to see it…we’re trying to figure out how we can walk alongside

the residents… How we can help. Help that community flourish…[how] we can benefit

by being a relationship with them…we’re trying to examine how we could take our

resources [and] use them…for capacity building with the various entities… But it is our

hope that we can be active, more active in that venture (Staff 2).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 180

One stated that a “catchphrase” is used within the organization between staff, leaders, and

volunteers to describe their business model (Staff 3). The final respondent spoke more to various

aspects of management principles, as they explained their goals of sustaining their CED and how

all the components of the organizational structure are meant to feed into one another. They stated

that they foresee:

a business with the purpose of once it’s profitable…the idea being that [the] money that

comes through there then feeds the other…maybe afterschool programs or other things

going on in the community… [T]he profits that come from the…company were used for

the afterschool program… [A]ll of those pieces have very specific objectives… [W]e

asked the program managers [to] do a logic model…speaking to what are your outcomes,

how are you going to measure those things? [K]ept very separately…we work on

education, employment, and entrepreneurship (Staff 4).

This data shows a relationship to the FBOs’ finance and business savviness, which is referred to

in the next section. According to Grønbjerg, as cited in Hall & Kennedy (2008):

managers of nonprofit agencies must be able to determine whether their organizations

have the resources and staying power necessary to partner successfully with a

government agency—the professional capacity to deliver the services involved, the fiscal

resources to withstand the transaction costs involved, and the organizational depth and

sophistication to weather the reporting and monitoring burdens that accompany such

contracting arrangements.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 181

Finance and Business Savvy

Therefore, the researcher asked the staff and board question B1 to understand more

explicitly the organization’s business and financial savviness, which demonstrates an ability to

provide services and offerings. The findings showed that there was a relationship to:

• “positive relationships,” credibility and impact… “we’re in a unique position here

because we have a tight connection with the foundation community here in

[Shelbyville]…small-time donors, they are often repetitive…when we submit grants

and you know, things like that, we do what we say we’re going to do… I think that’s

why something like is feasible in our future and other

community development…people that are familiar with us know that if we get

funding or anything like that, that the money will be used, you know, for exactly what

we say [it] is going to be used…the goal is the same to provide really the

fundamentals to individuals so that they can make their community strong in turn”

(Staff 1);

• “financial resources” and “ability to raise funds…much of it is designed for

maintenance of…our own…or for supporting the educational delivery methods…the

ability to raise funds for those various things and to be able to weather the storm of

the 2008 economic collapse, sort of demonstrates our financial savviness” (Staff 2);

• board governance “…people that are currently on the board take that very

seriously…they’re not just waiting for a donation…actively seeking grants” (Staff 3);

and

• limited liabilities and revenue generation “…one of the things that the church has

committed to is remaining debt-free… [W]e own private property in the

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 182

community…have a couple of functioning businesses… [We are] reaching out into

the broader Christian community, business community to see where there’s people—

because they’re people who…really have a heart for community and economic

development, seeing that this community is being revitalized” (Leader 4).

After asking the staff and board to describe how funding, communication, day-to-day activities,

and business support align with community needs (question B4), they responded:

• “our slogan here would be ‘everything is about people’… It’s for their families”

(Staff 1);

• “Unfortunately they are misaligned at this point…institutionally we haven’t taken the

time or made the investment to really delve into the community needs in order to find

ways in which our resources and the things that we can bring to the table align with

those needs…to be a thought partner. To be a development partner or anything of that

sort… The has. But the institute, institution has not… The

has for the last four years been involved in community meetings,

establishing relationships for various constituents… Have created seminars that

would identify, I mean that would meet identified needs…has shepherded and

designed programs and workshops and things of that nature. That would address the

felt needs that were coming from the community” (Staff 2);

• “without any of those skills, you can’t advocate it…employees and volunteers with

appropriate skills to maintain and grow—it is an honest to God business…itself isn’t a

nonprofit, it serves a nonprofit…if you don’t have appropriate skills for these very

specific areas, you’re not helping anyway” (Leader 3); and

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 183

• “we kind of look and come do this assessment of the community…the

it’s kind of in response to things that happened in this meeting…looking to see what

are things that helped to normalize the neighborhood… I think some of that is even

listening to what people are saying…we don’t chase funding…then what we say

while we’re doing this, “Oh, there’s somebody that would fund the work that we’re

doing.” So, I think we start with kind of the mission, the work that we’re doing and

then say, “Oh, there’s somebody that would partner with us in the work.” And so, I

think kind of have to be grounded in what we’re doing and then seeking out people

who would want to support that work as opposed doing it the other way” (Staff 4).

Hall & Kennedy (2008) write, “Credibility is measured not only by the congruency of such data

with the indicators of programmatic success that have been developed, but also by the source,

quality, and quantity of the evidence gathered and the methodology used” (p. 313). This learning

process is explored through the interview processes of the FBOs, and their shared experiences

and perceptions provide further insight.

Continuous learning. In this section, FBO leaders’ information is shared about question

C4 regarding their processes between the gathering of knowledge and policy formulation and the

timing of such activities. The findings show that some:

• “developed from relationships…look at what the realities were within the

community…we built with people in the community…standard compliances that we

have to deal with, with respect to organizations that may fund us…there has to be a

policy for people not just for organization…you have to be thinking about what’s

more important…every organization is under the threat of becoming a bureaucracy

that is not relevant” (Leader 1);

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 184

• “engaged the community…take a lot of our major stakeholders out into the

community, taking them on walking tours. We introduce them to community

members. Let’s just do one survey and ask all of our questions together while we

provide some of the resources and the, you know, the footwork as far as going

canvassing and going door to door. And so while religious organizations tend to have

what we would call first spaces, food pantries and uh clothing banks and stuff like

that. We’ve been doing a lot of educating of the folks that sit around our tables as

relates to third spaces. That this may not be something that you would see as [a]

direct ministry, but guess what it is and these are the impacts on the community”

(Leader 2);

• “gathered information…from really diverse portals…working with

volunteers…working on our own internal assessments of project

developments…working with our partnership…being able to kind of extrapolate all of

that information and then ultimately taking it back…filtering it down and sharing it

with some members that sit on our strategic planning committee…other internal and

external stakeholders…come up with a truly engaged process to implement a policy

that can create, I’ll say, real-time change in the community” (Leader 3); and

• “Haven’t really focused on policy… It’s been more programs, real estate, people

stuff…that may be a limitation… Pray, think, read, study, pray some more” (Leader

4).

Though these perceptions are true to these individual FBOs, Hall & Kennedy (2008) suggest that

all “Organizations are also charged with the responsibility of training indigenous leaders to join

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 185

in program delivery” (p. 318). Thus, the researcher chose to include the following on shared

leadership to understand this phenomenon.

Shared leadership. The leaders’ responses to the question on shared leadership (D3)

gives insight on how they decide which principles or best practices are usable and why. The

findings show that they are determined in multiple ways:

• “from people that you’re working with…context is still king and queen… We

wouldn’t try to take exactly what we do in try to go to

…and do the exact same thing because that’s a different context… [our]

best practices…we find out what’s best from the people in the community…then we

build our programs around that… We get that feedback and then we can make

adjustments… [W]hen Jesus was walking in different places back in the time when he

lived on earth and people wanted something, he would ask them a question. It’s not

that he didn’t know, but he would still [ask]… So Jesus was focused…on dealing with

felt needs…a lot of what drove his mission and his actions was compassion for

people” (Leader 1);

• “We look at just what our guiding principles are and that feeds into all the work that

we do…that also feeds into our curriculum…required readings, not just old, old dead

white guys. But you have alive and breathing black women…making sure that we are

approaching whatever topic, whatever issue um out of these core values” (Leader 2);

• “best practices that are utilized certainly comes from a lot of just trial and

error…being able to take those assessments, gauging what works, what doesn’t work

from our own internal perspective…have that shared dialogue, utilizing that

international practice model…having the opportunity to connect with community

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 186

leadership bodies… We share stories, problems, achievements, and work together

again to develop that best practice from a leadership standpoint” (Leader 3); and

• “evidence-based best practices in the literature…look to scriptures…there’s

biblical precedent for a similar situation…read widely…pray hard” (Leader 4).

To measure other organizational elements about the FBOs, the researcher continued further

questioning about policy advocacy, the effects of governmental funding on management

practices, roles of constituents and boards, and subtleties of organizational behavior around

disadvantaged populations.

Wired for policy advocacy. The staff/board answered question E7 about how important

funding history is to CED and this yielded little data about CSBG funding, CDCs, Community

Action Agencies, and partnerships. Although each of the participants felt that funding history

was important, none of them spoke directly to the point of this question; many of them spoke

from an overall funding perspective. It did reveal that they felt funding history was important in

getting future support, demonstrating what the organization is capable of, and solidifying

whether the organization operates with integrity.

The staff/board continued by answering how the organization does/should capture what is

important to develop CED from national policy, local support organizations, and community

groups (question E8). The participants responded:

• “directly from the students or the families themselves…feedback from them both

in informal conversations…annual survey…data sharing partnership…getting

feedback from them if the services that we provide are sufficient in addressing those

issues” (Staff 1);

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 187

• “the organization should capture this information…by making sure it’s in the

stream of conversation and information flow on how those things took place and how

those things are planned to be done going forward. [S]o we need to be part of

conversations as well as in some ways find ways where it makes sense to be part of

the actual implementation, uh and development of policies, and the things that

[emanate] from the policies” (Staff 2);

• “You need to have a model with almost anything…it’s important to see how it

worked and what didn’t work…we have Penn State New Kensington…[and the]

demographic information that they share” (Staff 3); and

• “Talking to people…you’re reading, you’re understanding what’s going on…

[W]e’re a nonprofit, but you need to know what’s going on in the business

sector…[be in] communication with your public officials… [W]e talked to our state

representative, we talked to our councilman… [We] have conversations and let them

know what we’re doing and we also asked what they’re doing…this is what’s on our

agenda, what’s on your agenda? How does it meet the needs of individuals in the

community?” (Staff 4)

Kearns (2003) writes, “the faith-based initiative poses a management dilemma for leaders of

small religiously oriented organizations that want to enhance their social services” (p. 117), and

some of the strongest support appears to come from constituencies including urban African

American ministries. Consequently, the researcher captured data in this section about this

analytical code.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 188

Constituents as thought partners. The staff and board responses to question G5 showed

how stakeholders or support organizations capture local objectives and goals from the

community and voluntary groups. Responses included:

• “community meeting…discussions” (Staff 1);

• “community conversations and the meetings that are in place that we can participate

in…through other programs that we would invite people to where we can sort of

inquire and solicit that kind of information…organizations that are doing

significant work are invited to come in and share with us what it is they do what

their needs are. So the opportunities are created for students to participate through

volunteering. Volunteering with those organizations. One, it increases the capacity of

the organizations and two, it creates an information stream for students to be better

informed on how they can apply their faith once they graduate from here” (Staff 2);

• “that’s something we need to be doing as opposed to that’s already been

done… has not been that supportive in the years that we’ve been there

which is crazy considering the need that’s there” (Staff 3); and

• “I don’t know that we do a great job for people who aren’t in our…church

community …they’re sharing not only what the organization is doing but getting

feedback from community members…monthly meetings” (Staff 4).

Since the board of directors may assess organizational strength, the researcher included the

following section to gain real insight into the complex dimensions of FBOs.

Boards as value add. Question H1 addressed to the staff or board asked them for a

description of the skills of individual board members, staff, and volunteers, as well as how they

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 189

assist the FBO to fulfill its mission and vision. The findings show that this is done in a variety of

ways:

• “their experiences and backgrounds help really develop a strategic plan as well as

provide, I’ll say, the blueprints for having accurate assessments with the community

moving forward” (Leader 3);

• “Meetings…conversations…brainstorming…feedback” (Staff 1);

• “We have lawyers. We have preachers, engineers, architects,

accountants…theologians and biblical archaeologists…sociologists, university

administrators… Business leaders, entrepreneurs…financially…through their own

relationships with people that are of well means…sit on various board

committees…audit…they use their skills to help make sure that we are good stewards

of what it is we have” (Staff 2); and

• “the people that we have on the board…their jobs are in finance or are CPAs…in the

board there’s this built-in skillset…he teaches financial literacy…cooks a

lot…someone who’s very approachable and you can talk to. She’s very emotionally

supportive…she does these steam classes…get it clean, get it organized, make it

attractive. He knows grant writing inside and out…experience in establishing

501(c)(3)s” (Staff 3).

Since Hall & Kennedy (2008) purport that “Many observers expect public problem solving to be

enhanced by these forms of partnerships,” which is consistent with the perception of the non-

FBO, the researcher included the next section to learn more about the FBOs’ competencies.

Multicultural and culturally competent. The researcher found it important to ask the

partners question I6 to identify their perceptions of how the FBOs demonstrate an ability to reach

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 190

out to disadvantaged populations to help fulfill the mission. The results vary in many ways; one

participant responded that the organizations served as a platform to “mentor…he knew how to

grab hold of the need of what needed in this community…culturally diverse

(Partner 1).”

One participant provided a dual-sided answer to whether any of these competencies are

demonstrated by stating:

yes and no because as I say that there is a process in which they have to go by… Giving a

different perception of who they are [as] opposed to who we are. We have that stigma

that sometimes people believe in, “Here as a white organization and you really don’t care

about black people,” which is not always the truth. It’s about people learning who, what

and where, and what decisions can be made that they can collaborate together and be a

good partner…it’s been over the last year or so or more… Or, even is there a true

partnership here? (Partner 2)

Then the last participant agreed by saying, “Yes. And, I think primarily due to the afterschool

program…the kids…that’s where a lot of their dollars are spent” (Partner 4).

RQ3: FBOs Overcoming Perceived Challenges of Religiosity

To understand the phenomenon of perceived challenges of religiosity while engaged or

attempting to engage in CED, the following analyzed data determine if it yielded any of the

Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Model components. Referring back to the non-FBO

interviewee, there are perceptions that religiosity influences engagement in CED. The participant

felt as though there was “a disconnect” between FBOs and their non-FBO counterparts. In their

experience when trying to establish collaborations, it was as if others “do not know how to

approach the faith-based community.” Through various meetings, outreach efforts, and the

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building of relationships, they tried to identify successful engagements. The participant

explained the desire to work together, be of service to one another, and strengthen the FBOs’

opportunities to collaborate in community problem-solving. But the respondent said, “I think that

we haven’t even broached the surface of the water. I think it’s an iceberg. It’s like there’s so much

below. We’re still below water.” However, these types of engagements did enlighten other

entities: “It basically told them that the faith-based community is out there.” Although, within

their organization, the participant responded, “we still don’t have the buy-in,” as they continued

to pursue faith-based endeavors. This was a direct consequence of the religious association of the

organization and not of the size, structure, or offerings.

It is perceived that FBOs have a strength of being financially sound, though smaller

congregations “compete with overhead” and “administrative cost” to engage in development. On

the other hand, they are strong in “developing a good rapport” with the community and providing

programs, events, and services. The perception was that larger churches engage in “deeper

aspects of social service delivery” and “development” with the communities. However,

depending on physical location and infrastructure, they did not appear interested in “local

community development” because it was not a relevant issue to their physical address. There

were criticisms as noted, “with all the efforts that were put into the external outreach and

forming a consortium of the faith-based community…all the good things that happened there.

Now it’s up to the churches to step up.”

An area in which the participant hoped FBOs will step up and assist is “financial

inclusion or empowerment…with the faith-based community, I personally don’t see a lot of that.”

Though the interviewee did say, “you don’t need to hold somebody’s hand forever. Eventually,

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somebody has to be able to walk on your own and if they don’t walk on her own and you know,

well, well, so we did our efforts.”

Though this interviewee collaborated with and supported FBOs in Western Pennsylvania

through many initiatives, they included themselves when referring to the faith community. Their

identity as a person of faith was demonstrated quite passionately, as they stated, “We’re not a

priority” and “it was just a disconnect.” Many of these initiatives included those to empower

youth, individuals, and clergy with a focus on various areas such as employment, small business,

housing, and other economic development areas. The participant responded that most of the time

spent “was busy trying to define it,” as in what the initiative would look like and be measured by.

Stated frustratingly, “Everybody’s interested in community development…but when you’re

talking about faith-based endeavors, I never got the support from people within the

administration that were people of faith.” They then went on to say, “there were very few, if any,

people who were” open in their “profession of faith.”

The participant continued to share the concerns as they described their experience and

explained, “Nobody’s thinking about church per se…that could relate to the initiative… That had

some vesture in the initiative because of who they were.” Their perception is that “that passion

comes from what you’re interested in, what your experiences are, who you are.” As the

participant shared concerns regarding FBOs, they stated, “if we’re talking about faith and we’re

going back to scriptures and how it started out, it was broad, it was very broad…I think man has

narrowed things so doggone much.” The recommendations they made were for them to “pray

outside, except people that come their way. Reach out to nonprofit organizations, reach out to

government, have that conversation.”

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Several social implications seem to be relevant in the data, such as how FBOs themselves

are a community with its own identity, culture, and type of engagement overall. The interviewee

suggested there were several challenges with engagement that include the cultural, generational,

and external means of outreach, as well as communication. Consequently, the data suggest that

these challenges include an FBO’s ability to innovate, share knowledge, and extend services

beyond the members or geographical location. Other concerns were that of programs, race,

capacity, trust, mentor/mentee relationships, developers, and risk-taking. Depending on the type

of FBO and its relationships to consortiums or other forms of collaboration, that influenced the

leader’s perceived ability to be empowered to engage its organization.

An implication from this interviewee derived from when they spoke about the financial

challenges that FBOs face when trying to engage in CED. It is perceived that there are

limitations to the business savviness of the FBOs’ leaders and the different formal structures.

These types of challenges seem present mostly in smaller versus larger organizations, or even in

those that belong to consortiums of some sort. Other implications seemed to come up such as

race, funding, capacity, resources, wealth, impact, business, affordable housing, and relationships

with development or developers. For instance, they reported, “And for the African American

community we found that the small developers were aligned with churches.” However, there

were mainly concerns about the capacity to engage in larger or socially relevant projects.

The interviewee posed a question: “Are there too many strings attached” when people

engage the FBOs? Other statements followed such as this: “If you do seek the help…Jesus didn’t

ask for any attachments. He just did it and then he depended on that person to make the right

decision. But he didn’t sit there [and say], I’ll do this, if.”

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Another one of their perceptions is that there is a need to expose and increase the

network. They stated, “sometimes it’s not just manna from heaven, it’s individuals that are placed

in your life that you never expected. And they may not be from your church.” The interviewee

expounded further by saying, “They may not even be a person of faith, but they’re being used for

a greater purpose. So they have to quit being so narrowly defined. And be broadly defined.”

They shared, “So I don’t know what the churches are doing now.”

This respondent provided some feedback for FBOs on their perception of what it is going

to take to become socially and culturally relevant to the community. Toward the end of the

interview, the participant made other comments such as, “We have yet to even rise to the level

of the surface of the water; let alone get to the peak of the iceberg, which is above water. We are

so far under.” The interviewee said, “There’s so much to do and it’s just that, risks you have to

take and thinking outside the box and getting back to, what the overall…33 A. D. mission was.”

They admonished the FBOs to “Go back hundreds, couple thousands, go back a couple [of]

thousand years, revisit that and now let’s talk?”

Theme 3: Empowered Regional Stakeholders for Social and Economic Injustices

This study intends to illuminate the perceptions, experiences, and challenges FBOs face

when engaged in CED in the Greater Shelbyville region. The prior section is an analysis of a

high-level overview from a non-FBO who has participated in initiatives of this nature on a

broader scale. Shaffer et al. (2006) argue that “the primary academic disciplines of economics,

sociology, political science, and planning bring significant insights to the table” (p. 73). The

authors continue to explain how CED “requires a unique blending of all relevant disciplines” (p.

73). The remainder of the results references the underlying themes of economic, political, social,

and cultural competencies found within the interviews of four FBOs on a micro-level. Shaffer et

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al. (2006) argue, “By considering the underlying economic, social, and political forces at play,

the community can better focus on the issues at hand” (p. 73).

Impact driven. The staff and board responses to how the engagement with community

and stakeholders develops assist readers on these matters. The findings show several ways this

can take place:

• “Informally…taking advantage of having those conversations…weekly staff

meeting…find out what each program is doing that kind of feeds into our mission.

…we’ll have [a] presentation to the community about our plans for developing . And so…then there’ll be the opportunity to ask questions” (Staff 1);

• through (internal departments)… “They have developed through just personal

relationships…with [an] urban focus, the city focus through congregations… Through

other nonprofits that service communities in different ways. My personal

relationships and the various committees or boards…by looking at the injustices

globally, [connecting] them to the same sorts of injustices locally, that creates an

overlap ” (Staff 2);

• direct inquiries… “they contact us because they heard somebody else told them

about us. Or, they’ll find our website…actually go into the …getting

involved with the volunteer …rescue mission…providing temporary

shelter for these disaster victims” (Staff 3); and

• community affiliation… “we have been in this community… And, we have only

done neighborhood-based ministry…it’s not to say that people who take advantage of

our programs—everyone comes from … I think the thing that we

don’t do enough of it, engaging the community… We kind of see what the need is and

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we’re like, ‘Okay, we can meet this’… hoping to do more of that…but I think it’ll be

good to hear from people who live here and to say, ‘What would you like to see us

doing more of?’” (Staff 4).

The partners were asked question A5 to describe the outcomes (positive and negative) of

engagement with their respective FBO. The findings vary and show that the FBOs:

• interact with all types of families “…no racial barriers…paid homage to all the

community…the designing leading up to that included input from students, parents,

staff, and then just general community members” (Partner 1);

• provide different offerings “…classes that they extended to the community to learn

community organizing, community engagement, learning exactly how that whole

faith-based does business…personnel participated in the meeting and was willing to

open their doors up to have a much bigger meeting for community engagement,

learning racial bias…they didn’t know the community…as we talked about our vision

and they talked about some of the things that they were leery of, we had the

opportunity to meet again and walk the community” (Partner 2);

• outreach to inform others and encourage participation in programming “…

people got a better understanding…[of] the requirements… We did get a few families

from those outreach events…for the amount of effort and time that went into

preparing those events, we didn’t get the response that we would have liked to have…

We would bring in refreshments and things for 50 people and maybe you had 10 if

you were lucky…orientation sessions” (Partner 3); and

• “influence change and community narratives…they’ve been pretty filled to

capacity for the most part with the elementary school programs… I think that the

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outreach has been positive there…they host a couple of annual events…they get

families that come out and learn about STEM and STEAM activities…some negative

stuff. And, I think that comes from what people only get part of the story and not the

whole narrative…sees this and they don’t know who runs it or what it

really means and what they’re really about… ‘Why are all these white people here?’

‘Right?’ And then, when you learn, this organization is associated ,

you take that negative energy and you associate it with that group…the

people…[they] have a fuller sense of what they’re doing and what it’s all about, have

a different kind of feeling… Those people will speak for you…community

engagement work is still kind of at the surface level” (Partner 4).

Finance and business savvy. The FBO leaders were asked question B3 to inform the

researcher on the desired returns from engaging in CED. The findings show the following as

important to them:

• “strengthening people and demonstrating an impact…educated child…comes

back into the community and begins to do some work…make their own mark on

society…start their own businesses…impacting young people in the

community…influencing other young people to do better…develop trust…vital

relationships…learn how to work together…for the good of the overall good of the

community…going through the process of caring for each other…listening to each

other’s stories…learning more about each other so that trust can be there…have a

track record for doing good organizational work” (Leader 1);

• “education, just behaviors, and reflection of religious values…work to enhance the

education of every single one of our students… stakeholders want to see how does

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this impact our bottom line…how has this enhanced their perspectives, their lives,

their education…are we doing this work equitably…faithful to the process and

especially when we say we’re followers of Jesus…walking, in true partnership with

our community partners…white institutions to take on roles that do harm…very

conscientious of not living into that legacy” (Leader 2);

• “collaborative efforts for the community…driven around at this time working to

create partnerships and shared community plan development… We want to get away

from projects in a silo…get a shared synergy…synergy with the other nonprofits,

government agencies, and public/private partnerships that we can establish so that

when we do build…hopefully start to spark that renaissance that we desire for the

community…utilize my skillsets…to better create opportunities for others…with

emphasis on an integrative place-based strategy really engaging people…is critical to

establish a sense of ownership, pride, and ultimately community…to utilize what gifts

and talents I have to see others move forward” (Leader 3); and

• “Transform lives” (Leader 4).

Continuous learning. Staff and board responses to question C2 shed light on what and

how the organizations learn from national or government policy. The findings show:

• “The policy is learned because it’s shared…relay that back to the staff of how it

impacts us…between the executive director and the management team…filter out that

information” (Staff 1);

• “the practice of theology can influence positively or negatively to [the]

development of policies and that there is a need to know…need to understand why

that concentrated poverty exists and is it a byproduct of nature… Or is it a product of

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[a] systematize[d] policy, systematic policy…if it is a result of policies then what’s

behind the creation of those policies…causation theory…rather than just dealing with

the symptoms being committed to looking at the root causes of those symptoms and

from a theological framework” (Staff 2);

• “not fully understood as relevant [as] it is to the organization…I don’t know that

there’s that much…year-to-year…probably mostly the tax laws of the

donation…change the building codes” (Staff 3); and

• “I don’t know…you have to be aware of what’s going on…thresholds for deductions

to charitable organizations… ‘Oh, that then will impact if there are people that aren’t

getting it for the right reasons’…how might that impact our funding base because the

other piece is that our congregation is by far the major supporter of this work. …how

might it impact your, you know, your day-to-day work. …doing research, keeping

your ears open, your eyes open, things that are going on. …business tax credits for

nonprofits…businesses can be given…a tax write off for donating. …it’s, like, in lieu

of taxes, they’re donating money to your nonprofits. …‘Oh, we should probably

investigate that to see if that could be, you know, an additional funding source for

us’” (Staff 4).

The staff and board responses to question C3 on what and how the organizations learn from

national/regional/local stakeholder groups yielded the following:

• “Learned from community engagement meetings…find out what the climate had

said that everybody else is working in…professional development…state of arts

education” (Staff 1);

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• “Environmental factors that could affect programs and services…we cannot be

ignorant of the fact that things that might happen overseas do have effects here in this

country… And things that might happen in this country do have an effect overseas…

So where there is an inextricable linkage network that creates a context for which we

are called into… It expands our, it broadens our focus and it broadens the number of

resources we can call on to help us make sure we have the right tools. The right things

in place to adequately train students for ministry” (Staff 2);

• “Business and operational practices…we have learned a lot—on the very practical

level—from organizations like Goodwill or St. Vincent de Paul to help us as a resale

shop, most specifically as that’s just retail… What’s the best way to sell this or attract

customer[s]?” (Staff 3); and

• “Learned from collaboration…we sit on a steering committee… We collaborate

with other nonprofits…a countywide kind of umbrella organization that…keeps

program providers abreast of policy changes… And so, we try to make sure that we

have representatives from our staff that go to those various meetings…so that we’re

understanding what are the things that are happening at a policy level that might

impact us or if there are particular programs that maybe we could participate in.

…taking advantage of those learning opportunities to just see how it might impact us”

(Staff 4).

Shared leadership. The staff and board responses to question D1, what and how the

organization, staff, and board learn from each other, show:

• “Learn from staff meetings…giving their update so that you can make that

connection…collaboration within the team…formalized setting” (Staff 1);

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• “Learn about shared governance without shared responsibility… And when you

have shared responsibility then there’s also shared…ownership to some extent…any

organization or any network of organizations only functions well when roles are

clear, skill sets are clear, assets are clear, [the] purpose is clear and the mission is

clear and outcome, expected outcomes are clear” (Staff 2);

• “Learn diversity…we each come from a different background…different

viewpoints” (Staff 3); and

• “Learn to function organizationally instead of silos…staff meetings a couple of

times a month where everyone comes together. …what am I working on, how does

my work, you know, kind of crossover with yours? …how can I make you aware of

what’s going on with me because there might be some way that you can support that.

…we work[ed] with a consultant a couple of years ago…in his report, he’s like, ‘I

don’t know how you get anything done because [there are] all of these silos.’ So, I

think people learn kind of within their area of expertise, like, what they’re responsible

for. But, we also work very hard to kind of maintain the idea that we’re one

organization and that the overall mission is… So, one of the things we did to address

that was our communications manager created a PowerPoint…so it doesn’t matter if

you’re new… I’m trying to do things like that so people have an understanding of

kind of what the larger picture is. …the ones that I run as executive director—we’re

always doing some sort of learning. …we’re going through a book. And so, we try to

focus on business books, leadership books or maybe reading an article together. …it’s

important for people to have [a] shared language. …you need dedicated time to really

focus deeply on work and what are [the] strategies to do that, right? … I think that

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helps to kind of build that culture. …we do updates and so people are sharing what’s

going on in their program…[and] present a problem of practice” (Staff 4).”

Wired for policy advocacy. The FBO leaders responded to question E1 in a variety of

ways when they described how and why they perceived changes in CED initiatives over the past

five years. The findings show:

• “People are more informed…because people have been more enlightened as to what

needs to happen…we’ve seen over the years, has been people who’ve come into

communities first… And then next thing you know, people are buying up pieces of

property…they have control of the land…they’re building with people who are called

developers or investors and then they have a plan for all that land that they bought in

your community… That was the model…for some people [it] is really still brick and

mortar…the only thing that is changing the initiatives, you know, community

development CDC initiatives [are] the people that are engaged… So there are people

that are engaged now who care more about people who have seen this model, that

doesn’t work… That has displaced people and send[s] people into other communities

where they didn’t grow up… That cause[s] people not to be able to afford to stay in

their own homes…a lot more proactive talking and communicating with the people

who are in the community who grew up in the community… It’s happening more now

and I believe the foundation community is beginning to have more of a commitment

to the communities as well…it makes things look pretty, but it doesn’t do something

that’s pretty in the lives of the people… I believe that capitalism drives these

things…development itself is about profit…it kind of pushes people to the side… I

think politics absolutely has some role in it…if certain governmental departments are

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responsible for allocating funds into communities…to empower the people in the

communities…that money never makes it to the community…then the developer can

come in and do whatever the heck they want to do… That’s injustice and that’s more

power to the capitalists” (Leader 1);

• “People are more educated where they once found themselves objectified…isn’t

my official, um, wheelhouse… Where residents who have found themselves in many

ways, in some regards, I’ll venture to say even objectified. …finding themselves

falling victim to what’s happening around them without their say, without their

acknowledgment…feeling in many regards powerless…you’ve seen the rising up of

community organizations…and just other groups that have said, well, no, we’ve got to

have a stake in what’s happening in our communities. …what I’m seeing today [is] a

lot of educated, conscientious folks who are saying, who know their rights…and or

are learning, um just how this game is played. …there’s a more diverse, uh, more

diverse pool of people at the table that are making these decisions… Now, is it where

it needs to be? Oh my gosh, not at all… Because then you get these stakeholders who

have deep pockets to feel they can just buy these organizations lunch and wine and

dine them for the day… And these folks might get enamored by all that…and ended

up caving in on what they think or should be good for the community because of this

one event… Or you’ll see some times where, um, you don’t have all of the, um, the

knowledge base within some of these communities… Where you don’t have

necessarily the urban planner or the financiers or the attorneys that would know the

intricacies of what it takes for community economic development… Where then you

have players [who] have come to the table and I’ve witnessed speak circles around

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those who have the community’s best interest in mind, but just don’t have the

knowledge base and the expertise to be able to speak reputably in these types of

audiences…the proper conversations that need to be had for fair and just economic

development within our communities to take place” (Leader 2);

• “a lot more emphasis on collaboration…funders are more intrigued when there is a

collective synergy of resources and talents to be utilized. …working to solve

community issues that you’re addressing them or attempting to address them

holistically…there can be a shared vision…previous practice and community

economic development did a lot of great things, but it was only impactful for a

limited time. It faded because there [weren’t] other elements there to support that true

and sustainable change” (Leader 3); and

• “I don’t know” (Leader 4).

To understand this from each respective FBO, their partner was asked a similar question about

what has driven the change of the CED sector (question E2). The findings show these changes

are taking place because:

• “they’re revitalizing” (Partner 1);

• “New development, new housing, bringing different people into the community…

Concerned Citizens—had an idea and her idea was to change the community”

(Partner 2);

• “made specific efforts…clean up the neighborhood…those improvements, it makes

everyone around them want to do the same thing” (Partner 3); and

• “change is difficult for me to speak to… I don’t feel like I’ve been in it that long…you

have this conversation that [is] starting to happen around gentrification…it feels like

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there are more people at least willing to listen and attempt to find ways that

you’re not displacing people from the community as you’re developing it… I don’t

feel like there’s a lot of people that have real tangible solutions and it’s

complicated…no easy fixes and it takes a collective approach because you can have

all the best intentions in the world, you know, for not displacing people…community

comprehensive plans…they’re going to try to do that around the other parts of the

city… I don’t know if it will extend to the county at all, but those things can be

helpful because most people—I won’t say most—a lot of people I find don’t want to

displace people… They don’t want to exacerbate the situation in terms of poverty or

displacement or gentrification. …they do want to make money if they are private

investors, right? …unless you come to them in advance, with your story and a

strategy where they could still make some money and not displace people—they’re

going to just make money, which if you just do that, it is going to displace people and

cause lots of other challenges. …you’ve got to work together on it” (Partner 4).

The leaders’ responses to question E3 about whether or not local and national policy agendas are

driving these changes vary, and their perceptions are as follows:

• “revitalize and help the community to come together as a whole…the consultants

that have shown us their blueprints and plans and what they want to do in the five

areas…economical changes coming which is needed since the steel mills have closed

down and it became, kind of like, destitute… Funding is a lot… Knowing how to

have a proposal that people will engage in is one thing, but when they see it, it’s a

totally different ball game” (Leader 1);

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• “Shifts in policy and governance…feel there is a shift in, to a certain degree, some

turmoil as far as community and economic development policies…just overall

opportunity that’s presented at higher levels, federal and state levels. …shifts away

from what the previous administration has established or desired to establish.

…there’s just limited resources that are made available. The current administration

puts emphasis on the state to take responsibility [for] a number of different

community development areas and arenas of opportunity. …limits state resources

because now that you have an influx of organizations coming forward that used to

depend on the federal government [they] might have now limited or no access to

funding. [HUD] certainly has had some cuts…organizations have to adapt, obviously.

Have to become more creative…changes in the administration’s policies… even the

tax code which affects and influences charitable donations. …it’s all about involving

the community and getting support from the community… That could be local banks,

that could be other development firms…grants available…capacity-building grants…

And, the local affiliates are required to pay a tithe to the international affiliate”

(Leader 3); and

• “Focus…I pay some attention to that… I think that the risk becomes sometimes we

focus too much on… I don’t think what happens in Washington is going to make or

break what happens in [Shelbyville]…more focused on the doing, the dreaming of

what can be…then, gathering resources and then trying to execute it…that’s not good

necessarily. It just is” (Leader 4).

The partners’ responses to question E4 on how the FBOs’ stakeholders view CED yielded the

following:

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• “if you’re not involved in change, then change will happen because you don’t use

your voice…stakeholders look at the success of your organization… If a stakeholder

felt that there was a lot of negative issues in your organization, then there would be

no stakeholders to contribute to your organization” (Partner 1);

• “wanting to even just do new development in our community…the disinvestment

and feeling secure enough to want to build a new building and bring a business here”

(Partner 2);

• “As an asset… Not everybody…we’ve come up against neighbors who don’t want

that in their neighborhood or particularly politicians who have an agenda…it

improves people’s lives…by improving the [p]eople’s life, you’re improving the

community, you’re improving the neighborhood…some politicians who have been

very supportive of it” (Partner 3); and

• “my partners view it as, I think, from an ownership mentality…if we’re not playing in

that space, it’s not our community… A lot of people hear that and they think about

just development. And so, you got to own stuff and you got to have some money and

you got to have something to be able to play. And so, when you look at what they’ve

done, if they had a problem with what was happening on a lot of the properties

around their building, they bought them. …think that’s why they’re engaged in it

because you know, you can’t talk about this other stuff, transforming the community,

changing the community if you’re not engaged in [the]community and economic

development. You got to develop the people and you got to develop the space, right?

And, I think they’re both of those spaces…they view it as something that must be

done, especially for the churches if they don’t believe that churches are supposed to

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be in a space and just be there…gentrification because so many folks in the

community feel powerless…organizations just feel powerless in terms of these

things… Because we don’t have big money…a lot of us don’t have relationships with

access to that kind of capital…and you don’t feel like you have the opportunity to

actually make a difference, all of that stuff is threatening… I think that there are

community leaders that are really actively engaged in that process and really

interested in how this stuff connects. So, a lot of folks I’ve talked to we’re talking

about jobs and housing and employment and education and how all of that stuff ties it

together to build a community and business district…the economic piece, people have

got to get comfortable with—we live in America, it’s capitalism, people trying to

make money. …the point is—that’s a driver and we can’t pretend like it’s not. …that’s

where a lot of times the community and the businesses don’t, can’t meet eye to eye

anywhere because sometimes I think as a community, we forget that the only way, the

reason that has $5 million to invest, it’s because somebody made $5

million. …you got to deal with that fact and try not to get taken advantage of, but at

the same time understand what everybody’s needs are and what the pros and the cons

of it, right? …in a lot of cases the people giving it aren’t giving it for nothing. Even

these foundations that are giving away money, they’re sitting on endowments that

have been invested and that [in] a lot of cases [are] continuing to make money.

…they’re still making money too” (Partner 4).

Constituents as thought partners. The partners answered question G4, in what ways do

local and national entities influence the organization and its capacity to engage in CED? The

findings show:

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• “They had to go nationally to their board to talk about the process” (Partner 2);

• “There is both local and national… So locally, it’s all about involving the community

and getting support from the community. That could be local banks, that could be

other development firms. Nationally, there were always grants available through

that were always capacity-building grants…at one point in

time, got us into a little bit of trouble because each year that you applied for those

capacity-building grants—each year you had to step your game up. And, each year as

you stepped your game up, you had to come up with more—they gave you less than

you had to come up with more and you had to do more… And, the local affiliates are

required to pay a tithe to the international affiliate… So, you do more than just build

in your own neighborhood, your own community, but you’re helping…around the

world” (Partner 3); and

• “local folks influence it by sharing their vision for what looks

like…and sharing in the mission to try to improve the community. So, people come

into them or have ideas and really want to get moving on something and I think

they’re willing to listen, …for example, the one partner who is now you leasing their

space—they didn’t tell them what they couldn’t transform it into, but they did select a

partner that would transform their space into something that was valuable to the

community. … I think they try to stay aware of trends happening nationally because,

you know, they want—like a lot of us, we want our young people to be, you know,

prepared to compete [on] a national stage… We don’t want them to just have limited

opportunities because of where they were born, right, what their zip code is… We

want them to be able to do the stuff that a lot of these other kids can do… They travel

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a lot and see a lot of things and that absolutely feeds into the work that they do”

(Partner 4).

Boards as value add. The partners answered question H2 as they described the skills of

individual board members, staff, and volunteers that may be needed to strengthen the

organization’s capacity to fulfill its mission and vision. The findings show:

• “different skills and personalities that contribute…creative thinking just outside of the

box… We’re definitely not looking to do things just because they were always done a

certain way…artists…communication…being able to relate to and with people

administrative…putting together the policies and procedures…able to sufficiently

network with outside people” (Staff 1);

• “speak up when there’s issues that need to be discussed and resolved…he’s strategic

about who’s on his board…think a two-year window to be on the board and then he

changes…you have an attorney on the board, you have a pastor on the board, you

have, a community advocate on the board, two of those on the board. You have

people who can go out and have a voice with a name or title attached to them…not

that I’m saying titles mean a lot, but sometimes the title can get you into doors where

somebody else couldn’t get into that door…we come to a happy medium with the

disagreements. We’re not walking out of the board meeting with, I guess, negative

feelings or negative attitudes or anything of that nature. We try to resolve things

before we leave all those board meetings. So, I think what he has on that board is,

like, culturally diverse and he has the right people in place” (Partner 1);

• “I didn’t really think that I’ve really thought about it. I mean, you know, needing each

other, other than the development coming in and building the building and bringing in

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a new business and the community, but as far as what they have other than if they

have classes and people in the community and go up and learn from their classes. But

other than that…” (Partner 2);

• “Fundraising capabilities…volunteers…contractors…do everything on a

shoestring…how to have the biggest impact…able to have a vision of what’s the

best…place, where people want to come and spend money because that money is

helping you to build…finance people…people that understand how to do…people

skills that can work directly” (Partner 3); and

• “Communication support… Fundraising… Volunteer… Everybody is tired,

everybody is taxed. You’re not able to do your best work…more volunteers always

help you could get more support, more hands to lift some of that work. It allows the

team, the core team, to really go further and take the next step” (Partner 4).

Multicultural and culturally competent. The staff or board further responded to

question I4 about multicultural and cultural competence, and explained which things the

organization would need to further engage with its members and the community? The findings

show:

• “additional interest from the community at large…the perspectives of everyone in

the community…the more people we’re able to engage with, the better we’re able to

predict what the needs really are…even racially…making sure that those perspectives

are known for the whole group…manpower…more money to pay people…to host

events” (Staff 1);

• “The will… You know they were able to build a wall because folks had a mind to

work” (Staff 2);

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• “More money, more volunteers… The more resources you have, the more you can

accomplish… There’s plenty of people out there that want to do this, they just don’t

know it yet” (Staff 3); and

• “money, right? it’s going to take money to build that building…we have a commercial

kitchen under construction now. So, we’re going to use that to do some workforce

development to help expand our catering arm…but also to help people in the

neighborhood who want to bring to scale their food-based businesses. …the

construction costs money. And so, I think that’s the [case] for a lot of things in the

neighborhood that money would really answer those things. …it’s not money that you

know, ‘Oh, the people need to be paid more’ …money allows you to do things and to

provide jobs and to do training and things like that” (Staff 4).

The leaders explained in answering question I5 what they find to be the biggest challenges in the

organization’s ability to work within the culture of a disadvantaged neighborhood. The findings

show:

• “the disadvantage is a strength and a weakness…the closeness of everybody in the

community…people talk and everybody knows everybody…services that are being

provided are being duplicate[d]… Let’s make sure we’re working in concert with each

other as opposed to somebody else trying to do something somebody else has been

doing for years…people just want to do what they want to do…they don’t ask

anybody, they just go [a]head and do it” (Leader 1);

• “to see that they’re worth it…to see that we’re worth it… We’re worth being

educated by them. …they’re disadvantaged, but how, what advantages do they have?

… What privilege do they have?… And some of them may have the privilege of

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seeing what poverty looks like. …They are experts in racial discrimination. …we

have experts in what it looks like to mobilize a community. It’s one thing to look at a

community that’s changing, what does it mean for the community to actually be a part

of that process? … It’s a matter of seeing that advantage and then for those that are

really smart, taking advantage of that advantage and actually making those right

partnerships” (Leader 2);

• “the ability to meet the growing need…with limited resources…a population that’s

aging each and every day…opioid epidemic…there’s a number of different

things…being able to have those resources to meet those growing challenges I think

were the hardest difficulties” (Leader 3); and

• “the challenges of poverty and people having a met need…it’s not uncommon for

you to have your car broken into, a building [was] broken into…just normal stuff that

in some ways I don’t even know that’s unique to disadvantaged neighbors…that’s city

life in some ways… But, they’re largely driven by the fact that people were

economically challenged. …if we’re talking about just criminal activity, you can talk

about where you have all this huge concentration of bars. So, there

are different types of crimes. …The biggest challenge of a place like that was particularly most visible is when you have a shooting—Then

when somebody gets killed with a weapon, that’s a big deal that ends up being

covered well in the news and all that” (Leader 4).

Chapter Summary

This chapter reflects the data analysis and its relationships to the research questions,

demographic survey, and theoretical framework used for the study. There were thirteen

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participants interviewed for the study. Interview questions were structured to understand the

phenomenon from an organizational perspective of FBOs engaged or desiring to engage in CED.

All participants were associated in some way with an FBO. The data generated could answer

whether FBOs may increase their engagement if they are empowered to operate effectively and

efficiently in leadership and management and whether their religious association could hinder

this. The three themes that emerged from this data include: (a) interest in increasing the capacity

of people to engage in CED on a tactical level, (b) influence community-based capacity building

projects to solve neighborhood problems on an operational level, and (c) implementation of

policies from regional stakeholders that address social and economic injustices on a strategic and

regional level.

Through a re-iteration in this chapter of the introduction to the study, problem statement,

an overview of participants, and assessment used to conduct the study, readers gain further

understanding of the data. Collecting data through a survey provides demographic information

about individual participants. The assessment used to administer the interview questions assisted

with triangulation and took place through face-to-face semi-structured interviews. These semi-

structured interviews transcribed by the researcher equaled over 150 pages of analyzed data. All

of this, the surveys, interviews, and document analysis from this qualitative case study method

examine how FBOs in the Southwestern Pennsylvania programs and initiatives support CED.

Further details, as well as the researcher’s response to the results of the data, are found in chapter

five. It reveals the conclusions and provides recommendations for future study.

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Chapter Five: Discussion

In this chapter, the researcher gives meaning to the results and links them to past theory,

literature, and practice for future implications. The purpose of this qualitative case study is to

empower FBOs and practitioners engaged or willing to engage in CED in the greater Pittsburgh

region. This chapter provides a restatement of the purpose, summary of the study, review of the

problem, and analysis of the data collected from the sample population. An examination of the

findings and conclusions with interpretation from the data analysis is also presented in this

chapter. The discussion includes data gathered from demographic forms and semi-structured

interviews with each of the 13 participants yielding three major findings that helped show how

FBOs’ experiences, challenges, and perceptions influence engagement. The empowerment

themes include: (a) interest in increasing the capacity of people to engage in CED on a tactical

level, (b) influence community-based capacity building projects to solve neighborhood problems

on an operational level, and (c) implementation of policies from regional stakeholders that

address social and economic injustices on a strategic and regional level. The remainder of the

chapter includes an application to theory and practice, limitations, important lessons,

recommendations for further research, and the study’s unique contributions to literature.

To understand the various elements of this phenomenon, how it contributes to CED, and

ways to integrate into an effective organizational development process, the following research

questions were considered:

(R1): What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate in order to

effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED?

(R2): What perceived management challenges do FBOs face related to the implementation of

programs and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED?

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(R3): What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to religiosity while engaged

or attempting to engage in CED?

This chapter concludes with future research possibilities, an additional discussion on how further

research compares to past studies and this study’s unique contributions to the faith-community in

the broader context, the literature on CED, and faith-based management.

As presented in the literature review, the theory of holistic faith-based development is

used to provide a framework of the importance FBOs have in CED and how they can be

empowered to engage in such activities and initiatives using the Holistic Faith-Based

Empowerment Model. This framework includes two other theories, Servant Leadership, and

Faith-Based Management, to answer research questions and examine phenomena. The literature

reviewed the levels of analysis of empowerment, CED, and characteristics of leadership and

successful FBOs using proven management practices and techniques. The data reveal key

findings presented in chapter four relating to influencing change for people, community problem

solving, and social and economic justice initiatives (Shaffer, Deller, & Marcouiller, 2006). To

demonstrate its importance, a restatement of the purpose of the study is provided.

Restatement of Purpose of the Study

Again, this study intends to empower FBOs and practitioners engaged or willing to

engage in CED in the greater Pittsburgh region. Previous research shows that many FBOs

struggle to engage in CED due to a lack of experience, capacity, and skills in leadership and

management, resulting from religious ideologies, political landscapes, insufficient resources, and

an inability to demonstrate impact. The researcher questioned if these organizations understood

how to position their personnel and operations and sustain their CED efforts, would more

participate or could these things help those currently engaged become more efficacious? If the

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answer to these questions is yes, FBOs could help to improve communities in need and function

as Next Generation Organizations able to transition with today’s trends and environmental

influences. In the following interpretation of the findings, the researcher provides details that

help answer these questions and the associated themes that were discovered.

Methodology

To help determine whether leadership, management, and religiosity influence

engagement in CED, the research questions were applied to these topics and the researcher

conducted a case study using semi-structured interviews. Consequently, a case study of this

nature results in data that may assist policymakers, foundations, and other stakeholders in larger

economic plans. Looking at the faith-community as a whole, the researcher included a

representative from a government organization as part of the sample population and compared it

to the data of four FBOs as another part of the purposeful sampling (Capella University, 2018).

The theories permitted the researcher to analyze this data for levels of domains around

empowerment. These levels of empowerment are discussed further in the interpretations. In total,

13 practitioners were interviewed. Demographic information was gathered from a survey

instrument that provided insight into experiences, background, age, race, etc., about the

interviewees. Interviewees were asked about their experiences and approaches relative to CED,

which allowed the researcher to assess for the strategic intent of FBOs and perform a situational

analysis. The Is Your Organization Next Generation? assessment questions used for inquiry

during the interviews focused on their strategies and permitted opportunities to look at

organizational management structures and leadership practices (Cornelius & Wolford, 2011).

The interviews covered direct validation of aspects of faith-communities and CED that

influenced the researcher’s interpretation and meaning of the case.

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Interpretation of the Findings and Implications for Theory and Practice

The researcher examined the internal and external perceptions of FBOs engaged in CED

within Southwestern PA; in doing so, the findings show noteworthy themes and characteristics of

several theories. Selected excerpts from data gathered from interviews with a non-FBO and

leaders, staff, and partners of FBOs lend to the knowledge about engagement and the following

interpretation. After analyzing the data, three themes were identified that help answer the

research questions for this study. The empowerment themes include: (a) interest in increasing the

capacity of people to engage in CED on a tactical level, (b) influence community-based capacity

building projects to solve neighborhood problems on an operational level, and (c)

implementation of policies from regional stakeholders that address social and economic

injustices on a strategic and regional level. The findings speak to qualities of a Next Generation

Organization within faith-communities and leadership attributes for effective engagement. They

also speak to managerial practices that lend to the success of organizations and how an

association with faith is perceived to affect engagement in CED.

The interpretations of the findings could help future researchers and practitioners

understand this phenomenon and illuminate what conditions FBOs need to engage in CED.

Knowing the perceptions, themes, and findings assist with future considerations for those who

share in questioning the engagement of FBOs in CED and can impact collaboration for regional

decisions. To determine if the previous literature on FBOs is conclusive regarding what is

needed for engagement in CED in a sustainable manner, the researcher examined the City of

Shelbyville’s initiatives on a macro and micro level. However, the data from each organization

was studied on a meso-level to reveal how local FBOs engaged in CED compared to past

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 219

research. For the purpose of this case study, references to the challenges, perceptions, and

experiences are interpreted and discussed mainly on a meso-level.

Final Meso FBO Interpretation and Implications for Theory and Practice

As stated in chapter four, on the meso-level, the researcher studied the experiences of

FBOs as groups within a larger community of faith and the interactions between the groups with

each other and their partners, such as the one non-FBO participant. Their perceived strengths

varied from having social and economic capital, trust, and capacity to bring about community

change. On the other hand, there are some perceived challenges referenced in the data, as in their

lack of willingness to engage in “brick and mortar” development and limited ability to

demonstrate real “outcomes.” According to the non-FBO participant, there were opportunities to

partner or grow in their capacity to impact the community that not everyone took advantage of.

For those who were involved, they did not necessarily succeed in this type of engagement

for many reasons. Unfortunately, with the change in the landscape in many urban communities

of those who are more socially conscious, unless an organization demonstrates some level of

social responsibility, community members are taking a stand. No longer is it acceptable to be

within a community and not participate in planning sessions, advocate in some capacity, or as

others would say, give back to those who are your neighbors. This stance suggests that if you are

not providing relevant products and services, then many are not patronizing these organizations.

In other words, according to two of the FBO leaders, unless you are meeting the “felt needs” of

the people in the neighborhood, then you are not helping at all. FBOs are not exempt from this,

and as previously mentioned, past studies indicate various possible reasons for the shortage of

FBOs in this field: administrative cost, federal funding, staffing, resources, characteristics,

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typologies, a decline in attendance, and changes in organizational structure (Mitchell, 2016;

Roozen, 2015; Sloan & Grizzle, 2014).

The remainder of this section highlights data from interview questions, responses from

the FBOs, and the researcher’s interpretations of the relationships between the two. The

researcher includes a brief commentary of interviewees that reflects the diversity within the

experiences, generational engagement, as well as relationship with the community of its origin

and compares that to the non-FBO results. Vignettes from representatives from either Johnstown,

Fredericksville, Jamestown, or Dublinville that have some relationship to the research question

and theme are presented as the researcher interprets the findings. Thus, the section allows the

reader to gain a general overview of the participants, their perceptions, experiences, and

challenges compared to one another, especially that of the City of Shelbyville. It is then followed

by the researcher’s interpretation of the findings.

As previously noted, the researcher attempted to qualify the perception of the non-FBO

that “there are other pastors out there,” besides those frequently called upon to speak on behalf of

the faith community as a whole, who are doing the work. Ninety-one percent of the FBO

participants had experience with CED and the data suggests that since many of them were not

implants, then some of this work was most likely in the greater Pittsburgh area. Included below

is an overview and interpretation of the major findings organized by the research questions and

applicable theme. The interpretations of the researcher follow and are organized into three

sections: (1) the response of non-FBOs, (2) the responses of the FBOs, and (3) the researcher’s

understanding of the phenomenon. Each theme is described in further detail in the following

sections. The interpretative phase shows the meaning of the case based on the research questions.

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Relationship between Shelbyville and FBOs

The Shelbyville leaders collaborated with many organizations including FBOs around a

concerted effort to increase the capacity and resources for regional development activities.

Again, to their surprise, there was limited engagement with the faith-community, though there

was an opportunity to strengthen strategic and operational efforts by engaging them tactically in

CED. On a macro level, there were several perceptions of faith-communities that could have

either hindered or encouraged their engagement. As the non-FBO stated, “Everybody’s interested

in community development, affordable housing, but when you’re talking about faith-based

endeavors, it, it was just a disconnect,” and presented other criticisms of the faith-community

important to note in this study. It sets the tone for the interpretation of the FBO responses.

The non-FBO participant explained that FBOs would get less criticism if they functioned

in several specific ways. Firstly, they can operate within their strength to use the trust and

connectivity, they have with people to “build the community up.” Secondly, to “educate, mentor,

and actually help with the books of black businesses,” thus empowering the owners with the

ability to engage in CED. The perception that some FBOs have the capacity and know-how to

help, but “they don’t want to do it” was not revealed in previous literature. However, others argue

that FBOs struggle with demonstrating their impact, which is consistent with the following

statement from the non-FBO: leaders “would say they are, [were helping] but no one else sees it

out in [the] general community. That’s why the churches get so much criticism.” Thirdly, to help

practitioners and researchers understand how to tactically apply strategies, allocate resources,

and monitor progress.

The researcher asked the non-FBO an open-ended question: what would a successful,

impact driven, FBO look like in the area of CED? Their responses showed they would be a)

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“doing brick and mortar,” b) “tackling peripheral issues that develop in the community,” c)

“going beyond saying ‘we’re gonna pray,’” and d) “forward[-]thinking, with an external

community development mindset.” Lastly, they would address the criticism that “it’s all old

heads” and answer the question “where the young people at?” This is a common argument with

other researchers that suggest practitioners in this field are aging out and there is a concern about

how to prepare the next generation of leadership, which is why the researcher chose the Next

Generation Organization tool for the FBO interviews. Comparing this information with the

responses to the research questions gives context as to why an FBO may not have been

successful in the area of CED, answering questions like whether it was due to not being engaged

or having limited engagement, etc.

(R1): What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate in order to

effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED?

The first interpretation to satisfy the researcher’s expectation of the relevance of FBOs’

leadership within CED conveys a need for leaders to empower people. Though the interviews

provide some perceived leadership requirements, for the purposes of this research design,

information within the Servant Leadership theory is mainly discussed. The interviews reveal that

there are key practices that overlap between leadership, the structures of organizations, and what

is needed to effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED. Discussed next is the

empowerment theme revealed from data, including an interest in increasing the capacity of

people to engage in CED on a tactical level. The interpretations are organized into three sections:

(1) the response of non-FBOs, (2) the responses of the FBOs, and (3) the researcher’s

understanding of the phenomenon.

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Empowered people on an individual level. The FBO participants’ responses look at

organizational management structures and leadership practices (Cornelius & Wolford, 2011)

from various standpoints including those of partners, staff, leaders, stakeholders, and recipients.

Their responses speak to a) the drive to achieve which permeates the culture, b) financial

transparency and viability, c) facilitated learning of its people, d) leadership development, e)

community organizing skills, f) results-only work environments, g) constituent value, h) working

with diverse communities and people from cultural and social backgrounds, and lastly, i)

prioritizing and judging the quality of leadership and impact (Cornelius et al., 2011).

The FBO results suggest that there should be an empowerment of others to engage in

CED on a tactical level. Based on the responses, the drive for this is expressed in several ways:

a) be “embedded in” or invested in the neighborhood, b) “love God, love people, live like Jesus,”

c) “connect people to opportunities” and “tap into their natural talents,” d) “value partnership,

mutuality, diversity, and collaborations,” e) “create [an] impact on the community by serving in

a leadership role,” and lastly, f) “create change where you define the paradigm.” Thus, the results

appear to say that FBOs may empower people on several levels. The individuals can be

empowered themselves, they can then empower others to support themselves, and each may also

be empowered to contribute “to the community far beyond their own needs.”

It could be that their ability to effectively manage a dual bottom line determines whether

they have a positive social impact (Cornelius et al., 2011). FBO partners suggest, for them to be

successful, they need “fundraising,” “money,” “skilled board and volunteers,” “donations,” and

“platforms and opportunities for them to share [their] message with people.” Some of the FBO

leaders perceive that, as a learning organization, this is done by being in a “partnership,”

“learning qualitatively,” “talking to people,” “observing,” “seeing what’s going on in the

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community,” “reading the paper,” “being in the schools,” “through other organizations,” and

“through the church.” Other responses suggest that this information can be transferred

individually and collectively, as mentioned in chapter four, through various means and methods.

Through “communication,” whether “on the ground working” or “directly with the families,”

“things are documented,” and staff adheres to the “chain of command”; whether “planning a

work project” or not, “we want people to kind of bring that information back what you learned

and how you applied it.”

The responses around the FBOs’ ability for community organizing skills and whether

they were wired for policy advocacy are more ambiguous. Many FBO partners and leaders failed

to explicitly answer some of the questions as intended. Only one FBO spoke about their direct

involvement around community organizing. However, another shared that they “think that the

only thing that is changing the initiatives, community development CDC initiatives, is the people

that are engaged.” They continued explaining how “there are people that are engaged now who

care more about people, who have seen this model, that [the previous one] doesn’t work.”

Another FBO leader who acknowledged only recently being engaged in CED perceived

that it has changed in that there is “a more diverse…pool of people at the table that are making

these decisions.” The other data suggest that each participant understood the need for community

organizing though it did not yield responses for many of the direct questions for CED policy and

changes. On the other hand, many of the respondents shared their perceptions of injustices

related to CED explaining how “it’s driven by money and for people to make money.” This

participant continued by stating, “if you take that much capital and you invested in these types of

communities that are in disarray and you do it in a quick time period—you [are] also leaving no

room for any other narrative other than displacement.”

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A concern from the previous generation of leadership was maintaining a good work-life

balance (Cornelius et al., 2011), and the interviewees seemed to have these same concerns. One

staff member responded “when you’re working with people, it’s hard because you get so

invested…you want to keep going”; but at the same time, another acknowledged, “unless you

take care of yourself first, you’re not really going to be providing your best work.” An important

point here is that there is a significant difference in age between these two respondents—maybe

20 years between them. This could demonstrate the concerns from the authors in the difference

of previous leadership behaviors. Another noteworthy response that speaks to leadership is that

of one participant who stated, “their mission permeates all of that and not in the sense of it takes

it over… It’s just part of who we are.” Lastly, one of the staff stated that their FBO “want[s]

people to have that balance because I think people are happier when they have work-life

balance.”

The FBO leaders believed that engaging stakeholders is important when engaging in

CED and provided insight into which ones they perceived were most important. The answers

varied from “the organizations are here to empower the stakeholders” to “we need to make sure

that everyone is coming to the table and doing the work that they’re supposed to be doing justly.”

Additional responses suggest stakeholders who have developed relationships with the people in

the community, “folks that are living, working, worshiping, playing in these communities,”

“ultimately every stakeholder has value,” and “the city itself is usually important.” A final

response serves as a great segue into the next section as it reads: “If the stakeholders have [the]

passion to help and assist and create real change, I’m always a firm believer knowledge will

catch up to passion.”

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Passion is one of the many words used in the responses to explain why and how FBOs

should be working with diverse communities and people from cultural and social backgrounds.

An FBO partner suggested that this is one of the “most significant attributes.” Pride, diversity,

perspective, and age are among the other variables. One participant spoke of the importance of

having people from the community involved since it brings “direct pride,” and another responded

that it “brings a perspective that we will never have because we’ve never been”; further responses

suggest that a “good mix” includes working with those who are “not too young, not too old.”

These interactions take place through “programs and services,” “one-on-one encounters,”

“community activities,” “worship services,” “committees,” and “board association.”

If viewed through an asset-based lens, then boards add value to an organization according

to Cornelius et al. (2011) as well as the FBO participants’ responses. The findings show that

boards engage in the governance of the organization and programmatic components. Based on

two leaders, the board serves as a “committee” member for “strategy,” “program development,”

“financial decision making,” human capital needs, and supporting the executive director. One

participant spoke of the level of “respect” they have for the executive director and acknowledged

that the FBO’s board “encourage[s] work” and “community engagement.”

In closing, the non-FBO suggested that an initiative that they engaged in “basically told

them that the faith-based community is out there.” The participant stated that they “need to know

this.” It supplies insights into experiences around best practices, concerns, and the influence of

the leadership in sustainable efforts. FBOs’ results seem to take this same position as they

attempt to address neighbor issues in “community divestment,” “economic justice,” “public

health,” “environmental justice,” “revitalizing the community,” and “safe, decent affordable

housing” to “inevitable redevelopment” or “indirect gentrification.” One participant posed the

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question, “how do we make sure that we develop the community and keep the community here

so that they can kind of reap the benefits?” Research by Cornelius et al. (2011) suggests that a

solution is to “partner with others to build their capacity as agents of multicultural

responsiveness and equity” (p. 14). Many of these responses reflect that some FBOs are using

“connectivity” to “build the community up.”

The answers to the following provide more context on how this can be done as well as

what FBOs are doing to address the second primary criticism of how they “educate, mentor, and

actually help-black businesses,” thus empowering the owners with the ability to engage in CED.

However, in context, the non-FBO inferred this was primarily a concern for non-African

American FBOs; the researcher is including this information to demonstrate organizations are

addressing these issues. Addressed in this section is also the third criticism from the non-FBO,

which is that an impactful and successful FBO has all of the following: a) “doing brick and

mortar [development],” b) “tackling peripheral issues that develop in the community,” c) “going

beyond saying ‘we’re gonna pray,’” and d) “forward[-]thinking, external community

development mindset.” Thus, it reflects how FBOs influence community-based capacity building

projects to solve neighborhood problems on an operational level, using Faith-Based Management

practices as a response to the next question.

(R2): What perceived management challenges do FBOs face related to the implementation of

programs and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED?

Empowered communities for solving neighborhood problems. According to the

responses, the business model and formal organizational structure may determine the levels of

engagement of FBOs in CED and determine whether they can empower communities to solve

neighborhood problems. A perception of the non-FBO interviewee “is that unless a church is

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already equipped as a developer, a CDC of some kind, they have some type of development arm”

or were “financially sound, weren’t interested, in that; not in development.” They also explained,

“The ones that are not financially sound. The smaller churches…congregations…revenues, could

not compete with overhead and administrative costs.” Their experience, again, is that “there was

traction with the African American churches in predominantly African American communities.”

In context, learning more about the model and structure, as well as the racial background of the

congregation and its physical location lend to an understanding of this phenomenon.

Learning more about the FBO’s business model and formal structure provides

information that helps determine the level of impact it may make. Knowing about the processes

involved, benchmarking, mapping, focus groups/seminars, and questions about their

representative in the community yields information about management practices. For instance,

one participant stated, “all of our programs are based here (the community) with the exception of

the ones that we replicate in other communities or in…public schools.” Having a replicable

model according to participants may increase the organizational capacity to grow and at the same

time have a greater impact. Another example from a different respondent suggests that “using the

practice model…extrapolate some of the best practice methods to proceed forward into our

communities in which we serve.”

It also lends to the overall knowledge about the FBO’s finance and the business savviness

that may affect their ability to solve neighborhood problems and some of what the non-FBO

describes as successful engagement in CED. Responses about the business structures varied;

some of the FBOs rented and others owned their property. In fact, one participant stated that “our

church owns and operates our businesses…community and economic development division.”

Answers to questions about objectives, deliverables, and expected outcomes for engagement

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varied as well. Though all of the participants said they had clearly defined objectives and

deliverables, their responses were diverse in that they were centered on “economic goals,”

“programmatic activities,” “a business with the purpose of once it’s profitable…feeds other

[parts of the programs and services].”

FBOs spoke of tools such as “a logic model” and “assessment” to help define and

measure objectives and outcomes. Though many of these organizations would be considered as

“disadvantaged” according to the non-FBO, the data suggests that they are making an impact and

dealing with the “peripheral issues” within the community. It also suggests that they may also

have the resources and staying power necessary to successfully partner with a government

agency, according to Grønbjerg, as cited in Hall & Kennedy (2008). Grønbjerg, as cited in Hall

& Kennedy (2008) states that any organization that wants to partner with a government agency

needs the professional capacity to deliver services, fiscal resources for associated costs, and

organizational depth for reporting and monitoring burdens of such contracting.

These are only a few things that speak to this concern. FBO responses suggest that

management capacity is also about “positive relationships,” credibility, impact, “financial

resources and ability to raise funds,” “board governance,” as well as “limited liabilities and

revenue generation.” Their responses also suggest that management activities ensure that

funding, communication, day-to-day activities, and business support align with community needs

as well as demonstrate professional capacity.

One respondent said, “everything is about people,” and another suggested that “these

things need to align with one another so that they would address the felt needs of the

community.” This FBO’s criticism is that its organization has not “taken the time or made the

investment to really delve into the community needs in order to find ways in which our resources

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and the things that we can bring to the table align with those needs.” Another respondent stated,

“it is an honest to God business…if you don’t have appropriate skills for these very specific

areas, you’re not helping anyway.”

This interviewee added a different perspective in that management practices should also

include doing an “assessment of the community” and “looking to see what are things that helped

to normalize the neighborhood… I think some of that is even listening to what people are

saying.” Lastly, a management practice that one respondent spoke of is the need to focus on the

mission and not chase money. The interviewee stated, “I think kind of have to be grounded in

what we’re doing and then seeking out people who would want to support that work as opposed

doing it the other way.” Hall & Kennedy (2008) explain that credibility is also measured by “the

source, quality, and quantity of the evidence gathered and the methodology used” (p. 313); all of

the previously mentioned tools, activities, and processes are achieved through organizational

learning.

To learn more about the FBO’s continuous learning and shared leadership processes, the

researcher asked questions about processes between the gathering of knowledge and policy

formulation. This speaks to the management’s ability to go beyond saying “we’re gonna pray”

and be “forward-thinking.” It also provides which principles or best practices are usable and

why. Participants explained that their processes of continuous learning were “developed from

relationships” and being engaged in the community and obtained from “gathered information.”

However, one respondent stated that they “Haven’t really focused on policy… It’s been more

programs, real estate, people stuff…that may be a limitation.” On the other hand, the FBOs

explained that they also determine principles or best practices through a process of learning.

They stated that these determinations are to be made “from people that you’re working with,”

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“guiding principles,” “shared dialogue, utilizing that international practice model…having the

opportunity to connect with community leadership bodies,” “evidence-based best practices in the

literature,” “scriptures,” and “by pray[ing] hard.”

A repeated occurrence of limited data about CED was provided when staff and board

members were asked to respond to questions about funding history to show their capacity for

policy advocacy. As they spoke from an overall funding perspective, it revealed a consensus that

knowing funding history is important to getting future support, and that it demonstrates the

organization’s capabilities and whether the organization operates with integrity. How to capture

what is important to develop CED yielded some responses like that it occurs “directly from the

students or the families themselves,” “talking to people,” “reading,” and “understanding what’s

going on.”

However, one participant responded that “You need to have a model” and that “it’s

important to see how (if) it worked and what didn’t work.” Another responded that the

organization should capture this information, “by making sure it’s in the stream of conversation

and information flow.” One participant did share an experience where the “foundations that

initially said, ‘Well, we won’t give a grant to the church, but if you can find a fiduciary to pass

this money through them, we’ll do it without exception.’” However, they were able to get

funding independently in the future and the interviewee described the experience further by

stating, “And, there [were] really only two foundations that did that, but the second time that

they gave money because we demonstrated that we, you know, operate with integrity, with our

finances and you know, provided audits and all that.”

Mirroring the results somewhat from the leadership responses, the interviewees, when

asked questions about constituents as thought partners relating to management practices, still

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seemed to think this was important. In fact, this is how they capture local objectives and goals

from the community and voluntary groups, through “community meeting…discussions,” “other

programs,” and “organizations that are doing significant work are invited to come in and share

with us.” Two of the four FBOs had different responses, as in “that’s something we need to be

doing” and “I don’t know that we do a great job.” These last responses are not reflected in the

leadership responses to similar questions.

In describing the skills of individual board members, staff, and volunteers and how they

assist the FBO to fulfill its mission and vision, the responses varied but spoke more to

management companies. For instance, one respondent expressed “that their experiences and

backgrounds help really develop a strategic plan as well as provide, I’ll say, the blueprints for

having accurate assessments with the community moving forward.” Another provided a list of

skilled individuals in different professional capacities, “We have lawyers. We have preachers…

engineers, architects, accountants…theologians and biblical archaeologists…sociologists.

university administrators… Business leaders, entrepreneurs.”

However, this interviewee also shared that those who help them accomplish their mission

and vision also do so “financially…through their own relationships with people that are of well

means…sit on various board committees…audit…they use their skills to help make sure that we

are good stewards of what it is we have.” Other responses were similar: “the people that we have

on the board…their jobs are in finance or are CPAs…in the board there’s this built-in skill set,”

and spoke to how the executive director “knows grant writing inside and out…experience in

establishing 501(c)(3)s.” Since organizational strength may be assessed by the board of directors,

the researcher included these questions as well as questions about the FBO’s ability to be

multicultural and culturally competent.

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In conclusion, the non-FBO was clear in stating criticisms about the faith-community

demonstrating organizational impact; this last question specifically speaks to FBOs’ ability to

reach out to disadvantaged populations to help fulfill the mission. The findings and results vary

for many reasons as the question is based on the partners’ perceptions. Some felt as though they

answered this question already in their other responses, while those who did respond answered

yes, no, or both.

One partner said yes and no because of how long it is taking them to form a partnership

with one of the FBOs; they question whether “there a true partnership here.” On one hand, they

have been engaged to do so, but on the other, “it’s been over the last year or so or more,” they

responded. They further went on to explain they are trying to prevent a “stigma that sometimes

people believe in, ‘Here as a white organization and you really don’t care about black people,’

which is not always the truth.” The non-FBO expressed that this was their perception as well of

those that were not either located in disadvantaged communities or African American churches.

On the other hand, another partner answered yes in that they have been impactful “due to

the afterschool program” and it is perceived that “they invested a lot of their dollars” in this

offering. So again, the answers varied. Throughout the interviews, the respondents did express

other ways FBOs demonstrated organizational impact in “entrepreneurship,” “employment,”

“homeownership, “business ownership,” “wealth building,” and more for a variety of people,

including “youth,” “families,” and “adults.” So then, the question becomes what can be done to

overcome these perceived challenges and experiences that are associated with religiosity or

faith? The responses to the next question should assist in understanding this.

(R3): What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to religiosity while engaged

or attempting to engage in CED?

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Aside from the previously mentioned criticisms of the faith community to engage in

CED, there are other concerns about their ability to address other social and economic injustices

that this research contributes to. The results suggest that there is a need to empower regional

stakeholders for the implementation of policies that address social and economic injustices on a

strategic and regional level. These social and economic injustices include those resulting from

the biases toward FBOs and their ability to engage in CED, CD, and other related activities that

work toward “building up communities.” The responses also suggest that there are biases

towards those who identify with a faith. This perception and challenge was discovered when the

non-FBO participant identified themselves as being a person of faith, working in CED initiatives,

and feeling that “We’re not a priority” and “it was just a disconnect.” Additionally, there are

biases based on the response that there are many injustices toward African Americans as well as

“disadvantaged” individuals and communities.

Empowered regional stakeholders for social and economic injustices. Again, this

study intends to illuminate the perceptions, experiences, and challenges FBOs face when

engaged in CED in the greater Shelbyville region. As with chapter four, the remainder of the

results in this section references the underlying themes of economic, political, social, and cultural

competencies found within the interviews of four FBOs. It provides insight on how the

engagement with community and stakeholders develops, the outcomes (positive and negative),

and desired returns. The content also speaks to how the organizations learn from national or

government policy, stakeholder groups, and each other within the organization, as well as their

perception of CED. More information is provided regarding what the partners perceive as needed

skills within the organization. Lastly, the perceptions are captured around which things the

organization needs to further engage with its members and the community, as well as what the

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leaders find to be the biggest challenges in the organization’s ability to work within the culture of

a disadvantaged neighborhood. All of this information yields data about the organization and its

perceived impact on people, communities, and regional stakeholders.

To demonstrate organizational impact and any information related to the research

question, the staff and board responses suggest this is done “informally,” “through (internal

departments),” “direct inquiries,” and “community affiliation.” Partners were asked to describe

the outcomes (positive and negative) of engagement with their respective FBO. In summary, the

responses vary and show that each FBO “interacts with all types of families,” “provides different

offerings,” “outreach to inform others and encourage participation in programming,” and

“influence change and community narratives.”

The FBO leaders were asked to inform the researcher on the desired returns from

engaging in CED that they described was important to them. They responded, “strengthening

people” and demonstrating their impact, “education,” “just behaviors and reflection of religious

values, collaborative efforts for the community, and to “transform lives, primarily.” However,

other responses help answer the research question. Those responses include that “stakeholders

want to see how does this impact our bottom line. And we have to be able to show,…how has this

enhanced their perspectives, their lives, their education.” They explained, “And answering

questions like… ‘are we doing this work equitably… faithful to the process and especially when

we say we’re followers of Jesus,’” is the desired return.

One participant responded that the desired return is “influencing other young people to do

better…develop trust…vital relationships…learn how to work together…for the overall good of

the community.” Another response indicated that the desired return is “driven around at this time

working to create partnerships and shared community plan development… We want to get away

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from projects in a silo…get a shared synergy.” This leader expounded further by saying, “to

better create opportunities for others…with emphasis on an integrative place-based strategy

really engaging people…is critical to establish a sense of ownership, pride, and ultimately

community…to utilize what gifts and talents I have to see others move forward.”

To further understand how the organization continues to learn, staff and board were asked

to shed light on their perceptions of what and how the organization learns from national or

government policy. The responses suggest that the policy is learned because it is shared, “the

practice of theology can influence positively or negatively [the] development of policies,” and

there is a need to know. But the others responded, “I don’t know,” yet alluded to the possibilities

in saying, “probably mostly the tax laws of the donation…change the building codes”

“thresholds for deductions to charitable organizations,” “how might that impact our funding base

because the other piece is that our congregation is by far the major supporter of this work,” and

learning more about how policy affects others that “get a tax write off for donating.”

Learning opportunities from inside and outside the organization vary. The responses

suggest that stakeholder groups’ lessons learned for FBOs come from “community engagement

meetings” and “collaboration.” In addition, it is perceived that FBOs learn “environmental

factors that could affect programs and services” and business and operational practices from

them. Alternatively, lessons learned for FBOs from each other come from “staff meetings,” and

things are learned “about shared governance without shared responsibility,” “diversity,” and “to

function organizationally instead of silos.”

The next questions posed to the leaders focused on whether or not local and national

policy agendas are driving changes to CED. The changes were perceived to revitalize and help

the community to come together as a whole due to “shifts in policy and governance,” and they

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require a perceived “focus.” The partners either confirmed or denied these responses when they

spoke on their perception of how the FBO’s organizational stakeholders view CED. Their

responses suggest, “if you’re not involved in change, then change will happen because you don’t

use your voice,” and that “wanting to even just do new development in our community” is

important.

Other responses suggest that FBOs view CED as “an asset and from an ownership

mentality…if we’re not playing in that space, it’s not our community.” One partner expounded

about an FBO, saying, “that’s why they’re engaged in it because you know, you can’t talk about

this other stuff, transforming the community, changing the community if you’re not engaged in

[the] community and economic development.” They continued saying, “You got to develop the

people and you got to develop the space, right?”

To expound on this trait of constituents as thought partners, the researcher asked, in what

ways do local and national entities influence the organization and its capacity to engage in CED?

One responded, “So locally, it’s all about involving the community and getting support from the

community… Nationally, there were always grants available through

that were always capacity-building grants.” Another respondent stated, “local folks influence it

by sharing their vision…and sharing in the mission to try to improve the community…I think

they try to stay aware of trends happening nationally.” Though these responses yield data that

can be helpful for research and practice, they do not speak in-depth about CED.

To further understand the relationship between whether the perceived boards added value

and its challenges with the association to religiosity, the partners were asked an additional

question. They were asked to describe the skills of individual board members, staff, and

volunteers that may be needed to strengthen the organization’s capacity to fulfill its mission and

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vision. Their perceptions are that FBOs need “different skills and personalities that contribute,”

“to speak up when there’s issues that need to be discussed and resolved, others for development,”

“fundraising capabilities…volunteers…contractors,” and “communication support.”

Lastly, the staff and board were asked to explain which things the organization would

need to further engage with its members and the community, and the leaders were asked what

they find to be the biggest challenges in the organization’s ability to work within the culture of a

disadvantaged neighborhood. The staff responded, “additional interest from the community at

large,” “the will,” and “More money, more volunteers.” Leaders responded that the biggest

challenges are “the closeness of everybody in the community,” “services that are being provided

are being duplicate[d],” “to see that they’re worth it…to see that we’re worth it,” “the ability to

meet the growing need,” and “the challenges of poverty and people having a met need.”

In closing, presented in this data, not many of the internal perceptions of the FBOs relate

to the challenges of their association with religion or faith. This perception currently seems to be

more common from external stakeholders. Although, one participant described a bias for

obtaining funding because they were a church; eventually, they were able to get funding based

on their ability to demonstrate outcomes and integrity. Most of the FBOs speak to their

relationship with faith as the foundation for why they serve, how they serve, and the impact it

has on empowering people, communities, and stakeholders. This does not mean that there is no

validity to this argument; it does mean that these responses do not suggest that it is a primary

challenge or experience of these FBOs.

Discussion of Important Lessons from the Study and Their Application to Theory

In this section, the researcher discusses many important lessons learned through this

study and its application to theory and practice. As stated in the introductory chapter, this study

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intends to identify best practices to assist FBOs and practitioners to engage in CED. The non-

FBO and FBOs each spoke about their initiatives, activities, and experiences they used as a

strategy for assisting others and building the community, and how they connected to their faith.

The participant responses show that not only do levels of engagement vary, but the responsibility

and levels of accountability vary, as well. With the complexity of CED, FBOs, and neighborhood

issues, there are no one-size-fits-all approaches to provide. However, there are potential

frameworks that can support planning on strategic, operational, and tactical levels through the

use of theories and models.

Therefore, this research demonstrates an application of theories by confirming

relationships between the leadership, management, and religiosity of FBOs engaged in the

practice of CED activities, as well as their influence on the organization’s success or lack

thereof. When comparing the results from the data with the model and theories, both similarities

and differences exist that help to understand this phenomenon. These similarities and differences

exist in individual perceptions of what leadership and management skills are needed to make an

impact on the community and be successful. It lends to an understanding of the roles and

responsibilities of FBOs in CED and what they are doing to assist with building the communities

and the people within them. At the same time, it provides insight into how religiosity may affect

their success or engagement either positively or negatively.

Some theories suggest that FBOs can make a real difference in the lives of others and

their communities if given the opportunity and if they have the capacity to engage. Though there

are criticisms against the faith-community, there also are many perceived strengths attributed to

them that may allow them to be successful overall. The study allows the researcher to determine

whether a lack of characteristics of successful organizations exists. If so, it was discovered

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during the analysis. The findings helped to determine if there were any practices, behaviors,

and/or models that undermine the chances to engage in CED. Additionally, the analysis helped to

determine how FBOs demonstrate their outcomes, steward funding, and handle social and

economic injustices. The results of this study imply that there are characteristics of leadership,

management, and faith that exist in their engagement that are of importance to CED.

FBOs’ approach to solving community problems may require a broadening of

perspectives, according to the data and what researchers say about CED as a way of

development. Shaffer, Deller, & Marcouiller (2006) write that this holistic approach of blending

economic development and community development combined should incorporate some

elements of society/culture, rules/institutions, and decision making. They report that with every

community there are spatial and nonspatial dimensions that require an aspect of implementation,

communication network, economic transaction, and thinking beyond its boundaries (Shaffer et

al., 2006). With this in mind, FBOs may still be champions for anti-poverty strategies if they are

empowered to leverage their resources, foster and embrace technological change and innovation,

and demonstrate characteristics of the community’s culture they desire to serve (Shaffer et al.,

2006).

In supplying goods and services to the community, an FBO’s management may not

clearly see the connections to engagement in CED and that which is taking place around them.

They may not know which rules aggregate preferences and efforts in the goals of the community

or how to balance contradictions between their vision and that which governs other parties

(Shaffer et al., 2006). For instance, the leaders may not see how the well-being of residents has

an interdependence among the businesses there or how many of these things affect CED as it

relates to tax systems and mechanisms for acquiring and controlling capital (Shaffer et al., 2006).

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 241

Or, they may not see how the gaps in services can be attributed to the businesses’ interpretation

of socioeconomic characteristics that influence resident and stakeholder decisions (Shaffer et al.,

2006).

It is important to CED that there is an awareness of these things by FBOs, as well as a

working knowledge of how rules of the game function within specific institutions. Shaffer et al.

(2006) define these institutions as rights, obligations, or rules that either facilitate or impede

activities; set the framework for bargaining processes, settling transactions and resolutions,

distribution of income, and allocation of resources and capital. It can include local, regional, and

federal governments, institutions, churches, as well as civic, business, and social organizations

(Shaffer et al., 2006). To effectively engage in the modern-day CED Movement, FBOs may

need to be aware of the informal societal and cultural rules as they relate to these institutions and

the business climate. This means knowing what the attitudes of the community are toward

change, experimentation, entrepreneurship, institutional capacity, and communication levels, as

they are important matters according to Shaffer et al. (2006). Therefore, FBOs engaged in CED

may need to look through this blended lens and broaden their perspectives. In doing so, perhaps

the following recommendations for further research may help them and others interested in these

topics.

Implications for Theory and Research

Chapter two includes descriptions of several theories and models. These theories include

Servant Leadership, Faith-Based Management, and empowerment theory. The theoretical

contribution of the Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Model helps to establish a linkage

between empowering processes to domains of empowerment. The model, according to Wallace

et al. (2004), is a tool for describing the theory of holistic faith-based development. It, as well as

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the other theories, all describe facets of empowerment suitable for this study of FBO engagement

in CED. Further implications of how they apply to this research are discussed in the following

sections.

Servant leadership. The Servant Leadership Model and theory informs the research as

Van Dierendonck (2011) identified important characteristics, which also included empowering

and developing people and stewardship. Servant Leadership theory includes characteristics,

constructs, and principles of many kinds, but Brewer (2010) explains that the fundamental

concept is placing others before self. This theory also suggests that seven constructs exist within

the leaders who participated in the study, based on the responses and according to Patterson

(2003), such as 1) Agape Love, 2) Humility, 3) Altruism, 4) Vision, 5) Trust, 6) Empowerment,

and 7) Service, which is the heart of it. Though referred to differently by Maxwell (2007) as the

laws of leadership, the general idea is that in every organization there are critical aspects of

leadership needed to be successful. The results suggest that these organizations and their staff

and leaders can influence others, get buy-in for the vision and mission, navigate around

conditions, add to the organizations’ resources, talents, and funding, as well as have a

willingness to sacrifice, and so forth. The results of this study imply that these are some of the

characteristics present within the FBOs that participated as well as aspects of empowerment.

Some of the results of this study align with the previously mentioned research on the

Servant Leadership theory that is perceived to be important for empowerment. According to

Patterson (2003), empowerment is “the ability to serve followers to achieve their full potential

through highlighting their strengths and placing them in opportunities to be successful” (p. 19).

Though not all of the constructs were spoken of directly from the participants, many of their

responses confirmed that the Servant Leadership model existed within the FBOs and contributed

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 243

to the empowerment of others in many ways. In addition, several other characteristics and

principles attributed to FBOs and were considered to be perceived strengths by the non-FBO

participant and their partners. One of them is the posture of a servant.

The servanthood of individuals is, according to the responses, important to engaging in

CED, as the results imply it takes a lot of resources to meet the growing needs of the community.

Though CED is often used interchangeably with community development, one of its distinct

differences is that CED provides opportunities to the people in the community (Shaffer et al.,

2006). Each of the participants interviewed in this study seemed to view serving individuals,

families, youth, and community residents as a priority in their organizational goals. Some of

them, possibly to their detriment, fail to demonstrate work-life balance. They often go to bed late

and start early the next day, working towards their mission.

Though this may be true for some, it is not encouraged by the leaders that were

interviewed. However, with the gap in Shelbyville “for programming” and the desire for FBOs to

fulfill “a real deep dive into social service delivery,” many participants demonstrated how their

organization serves in this capacity. Based on their responses, each of them not only is currently

engaged in this manner, they have been for more than 10 years. Not only that, but many also

spoke of plans to continue enhancing the well-being, welfare, and quality of life of people as

their vision for those that are willing to receive their services (Shaffer et al., 2006). The desire to

help those in need is a primary element of CED and is consistent with what is at the heart of

Servant Leadership, which is serving others before themselves.

Faith-based management. The faith-based management framework informs this

research because it appears to be the missing link in most of the research. A management

approach is popular in most organizational settings but seems to be absent in FBO research in

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 244

which the adoption of such practices could increase the quality of services and offerings that

empower its staff, members, and geographical target areas.

Faith-Based Management was also selected as a model to determine, what, if any,

practices, competencies, disciplines, systems, or processes may be needed to engage in CED.

Though one participant responded, “I don’t think we operate really any differently than any other

organization would,” on a macro level, it is reflected in chapter two that some of the literature

disagrees with this perception. This perception also seems to exist on a meso-level for the non-

FBO interviewed in this study, who stated, “the faith-based community is out there,” but at the

same time stated there was “a disconnect” when trying to engage with them. A major criticism

for FBOs that is an external perception is that they do not do well with outreach, marketing, and

making others aware of their offering. It appears as though FBOs explicitly make those in their

immediate circles aware of their programs and services, but not the community at large. This

criticism is not new for FBOs, as Brinkerhoff (1999) suggests that Faith-Based Management is

one solution to this problem with marketing.

Brinkerhoff (1999) argues that FBOs differ radically from other organizations having to

operate in a secular world. He says that for them to be successful they must have a foundation of

faith and still focus on the mission. The leadership is balancing both volunteers and staff while

providing opportunities for them to use their gifts. Like other successful organizations that

should be aware of market trends, they value excellent stewardship and at the same time remain

flexible within the structure of faith; not losing their identity to the secular world but still having

a focus on achieving growth in this world of funding, regulations, marketing, competition, and

cash flow. These are some of the characteristics of management that apply to all organizations.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 245

Further discussion on this is found in the interpretation of the findings as the researcher

expounds on the data results from the interviews.

Holistic faith-based development theory. As previously mentioned in chapter two,

FBOs have unique benefits as it relates to religiosity (Brinckerhoff, 1999; Hula, et al., 2007;

Rakodi, 2016, Wallace et al., 2004). Benefits of FBOs include an opportunity to work

holistically with clients and not in an isolated fashion when engaged in community economic

development. Brinckerhoff (1999) says, “the foundation of faith provides a supplementary

dimension that empowers and forces your efforts” (p.18). Hula, Jackson-Elmoore, and Reese

(2007) wrote that faith-based programs provide intangible benefits that include empathy, hope,

optimism, and emotional support (p. 73). The data seems to confirm Wallace et. al, (2004)

research that FBOs are central to the well-being of poor African Americans and revitalizing

communities.

Therefore, the theory of holistic faith-based development was selected to determine how

FBOs assist with those they serve or employ to gain control over and improve their lives

(Wallace et al., 2004). The theory allowed the researcher to look at the data through a strengths

and ability lens, rather than a deficit lens (Wallace et al., 2004). The Holistic Faith-Based

Empowerment Model, according to Wallace et al. (2004) is a tool for describing the theory of

holistic faith-based development. As a multipurpose analytic tool, it is used in this study with the

empowerment processes and outcomes of the FBOs to compare and contrast internal and

external perceptions. These perceptions are from a non-FBO and FBOs. As a practitioner, the

researcher chose this tool to examine what the authors Wallace et al. (2004) describe as holistic

development strategies.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 246

These strategies were compared to those used by the interviewees with the intent that

others will consider the findings for use in the three empowerment themes. Those empowerment

themes are, as the authors call them, levels of analysis and domains. For the purposes of this

study, the data suggest they include (a) empowering people through increasing their capacity to

engage in CED on a tactical level, (b) empowering communities through influencing

community-based capacity-building projects to solve neighborhood problems on an operational

level, and (c) empowering regional stakeholders that address social and economic injustices on a

strategic and regional level through the implementation of policies.

Limitations

In chapter three, a limitation of this study is provided that may have affected the validity

and generalizability of the results. The following paragraphs describe the limitations experienced

and topics requiring closer examination. It suggests that the participation of organizations

engaged in CED initiatives on a short-term basis with minimal documentation or recollection of

experience to support their efforts would present a challenge. It would not provide enough data

evidence to analyze and determine a relationship with the research questions for validation. The

evidence, in this case, is captured by interviews and a document analysis of each FBO site

selected. This limitation was not presented; however, the following were:

• The limited number of FBOs that participated may not have allowed for a more in-

depth understanding of this phenomenon.

• Due to the large quantity of data and the use of semi-structured interviews, there may

be additional undiscovered information that can help inform the reliability.

• The Is Your Organization Next Generation assessment tool has compounded

questions that did not permit the interviewee an opportunity to answer one at a time,

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 247

and on several occasions, they only answered a part of the question, yielding no data

for some of the others.

• Scripting out the introduction to the interview could have helped with the consistency

of interviews and the practice of interviewing itself.

To address some of these limitations, the researcher plans to continue to develop this study by

doing additional research and learning more Nvivo Software techniques to further analyze the

data and makes the following recommendations for future research.

Recommendations for Further Research

The researcher recommends the following for future research based on information “from

the data” as well as “the methodological, research design, or other limitations of the study”

(Capella University, 2018, p. 53). First, to examine why many of the participants were not able

to identify questions specifically around CED policy and funding related practices, a

recommendation is to study this further. Perhaps it will yield a greater response through the use

of a quantitative methodology. Secondly, because there were only four FBOs studied as part of

purposeful sampling, a recommendation is to do a broader sample and continue to examine this

phenomenon. Thirdly, due to the amount of data obtained by using the Next Generation

Organization assessment, the researcher limited the analysis to one theory per question.

Therefore, another recommendation is to analyze the data using each theory to gain a more in-

depth view of the implications. Lastly, the research design, in hindsight, was complex;

consequently, the researcher recommends using a tool with fewer interview questions. Most

likely, it will allow for a more efficient way of obtaining information that will be most suitable

for practitioners.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 248

Recommendations for Policy Considerations

If addressing disparity in the Pittsburgh region requires a collective effort, said Maxwell

King, president of the Pittsburgh Foundation, adding faith-based empowerment processes to

policies may be a solution (Pittsburgh Quarterly Magazine, 2016). The results suggest that there

is a need to empower regional stakeholders for the implementation of policies that address social

and economic injustices on a strategic and regional level. These social and economic injustices

include the biases toward FBOs and their ability to engage in CED, CD, and other related

activities that work toward “building up communities.” The data also suggest that there are

biases towards those who identify with a faith. This perception and challenge was discovered

when participants identified themselves as being persons of faith, working in CED initiatives,

and feeling “We’re not a priority” and “it was just a disconnect.” Additionally, based on the

response, the biases include many injustices toward African-Americans as well as disadvantaged

individuals and communities.

Therefore, the researcher recommends that policies around diversity, equity, and

inclusion which consider the experiences, perceptions, and challenges of FBOs. In doing so, this

may allow opportunities to reconsider current policies around FBOs, persons of faith, and other

biases such as those related to African-Americans. In closing, this and previous research reflect

what FBOs face when engaged in CED activities. Data show that many participants, though

engaged in CED, could not define it or speak to the implications of policy, government

influence, or history. By considering the results of this research, many more FBOs may engage

in CED and other initiatives if granted the opportunities, training, and resources.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 249

Discussion of How Further Research Extends, Differs From, or Replicates Past Studies

Further research extends the knowledge of this phenomenon as it illuminates the

experiences, perceptions, and challenges that FBOs face when engaged in CED activities. More

specifically, the findings provide insight into the nature of faith-based practitioners within

various governance structures and their ability to maintain the organizational excellence required

to execute strategies efficiently and effectively. It demonstrates the distinctive leadership and

management values, principles, and characteristics that guide practitioner behavior and actions in

places of worship and community service organizations, without disregarding the role religiosity

plays in their motivation. This research does present a unique contribution to CED literature that

is provided in the next section.

Unique Contribution of the Intended Dissertation Study

This dissertation addresses some of the mechanics of how empowerment theory, Servant

Leadership, and Faith-Based Management contribute to the literature on CED. What makes it

unique is that it incorporates some management practices and skills that apply to FBOs, which

are often overlooked. Secondly, although there have been attempts to include FBOs as partners

with the government to fulfill some of the social woes, in 2017 there was a change in the

political environment. This change has looked very threatening to any organization seeking

support for social services and community organizing.

Therefore, the study seeks to help to remove obstacles to participation by FBOs in the

delivery of publicly funded services and activities and ensure that those with a history of

providing health, education, and other support to low-income people are not excluded from CED.

The hope is that FBOs receive accommodation, equal treatment, and respect for their religious

beliefs and moral convictions from others and improve our understanding of their role in

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 250

implementing programs and activities that advance the goals and objectives of CED. Lastly,

though many studies over the past decade focused on understanding the phenomenon of capacity

issues for FBOs and collaborative opportunities, there is a difference in the geographical location

of this research. In the following summary, the researcher presents the concluding thoughts about

this study and how it influences FBOs’ participation.

Summary and Conclusion

The results of this study suggest that there are three empowerment themes related to

FBOs engaged in CED: (a) interest in increasing the capacity of people to engage in CED on a

tactical level, (b) influence community-based capacity building projects to solve neighborhood

problems on an operational level, and (c) implementation of policies from regional stakeholders

that address social and economic injustices on a strategic and regional level.

Further, the results suggest a need for the FBOs to be empowered themselves to have the

capacity to partner with governmental agencies and to understand CED overall. Previous

research speaks to the challenges with partnering with government agencies: there was a gap in

research that spoke to the lack of knowledge FBOs have about CED. In fact, as the researcher

interviewed each of the participants it was clear that though many of them were engaged in CED,

they could not define it or speak to the implications of policy, goverment influence, or history.

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 251

Appendix A

Interview Questions Modified from Assessment

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 252

Organization Leader Organization Staff Organization Partner

1. What can you tell me about the organization’s 2. Describe how the organization is utilizing the 3. What forms of outreach and engagement does
mission and vision, as in, how it serves as a community, board, staff, and volunteers to help the organization use to make the community
driver to make an impact on the community? with accomplishing its mission? aware of what is offered?

6. Describe the business model and formal 4. Describe how the engagement with community 5. Describe the outcomes (positive and negative)
structure? Processes involved, benchmarking, and stakeholders develop? of engagement?
mapping, focus groups/seminars. Is there an
office or representative in the community? 7. Does the organization have clearly defined

objectives and deliverables for engaging in
8. Does the organization appear to have CED?
discovered that something was missing that
prompted your engagement in CED?

3. What are the desired returns from engaging in 1. What can you tell me about the organization’s 2. Describe what support for the organization is
CED? business and financial savviness that successful or needed?

demonstrates an ability to provide services and
offerings?

4. Describe how funding, communication, day-today
activities, and business support align with
community needs?

1. Describe how the organization learns to suppor2. What/how do the organization learn from
community economic development? national or government policy?

4. Is there a process between the gathering of 3. What/how do the organization learn from
knowledge and policy formulation? What is this national/regional/local stakeholder groups?
process? How long does this take?

Shared Leadership 3. How do you decide what principles or best 1. What and how do the organization, staff, and
practices are usable and why? board learn from each other?

2. How is knowledge transferred?

Wired for Policy Advocacy 1. In what ways have community economic 7. How important is funding history to community 2. What has driven the change of the community
development initiatives changed over the past 5 economic development? E.g. CSBG funding, economic development sector?
years and why? CDCs, Community Action Agencies,

partnerships. 4. How do organizational stakeholders view the
3. Local and national policy agendas perhaps? community economic development?

8. How does/should the organization capture what
6. What could improve the community economic is important to develop CED from national 5. Describe what is the community economic
development agenda? policy, local support organizations and development support policy agenda driven

community groups? from, why and how?

Ambiguity of Work Life 1. Is there anything that has come to mind about
Boundaries the organization’s team, board, or volunteers

while we’ve been talking today that speaks to
how they demonstrate work life balance?

Constituents as Thought Partners 1. Which stakeholders or support organizations 5. How does stakeholders or support organizations 4. In what ways do local and national entities
are most important for engaging in community capture local objectives and goals from influence the organization and its capacity to
economic development and why? community and voluntary groups? engage in community economic development?

2. How significant are they and what are the most
important characteristic?

3. What do they offer that is unique and how does
it compare to others?

3. Describe the governing board’s roles and 1. Describe the skills of individual board 2. Describe the skills of individual board
responsibilities, along with the structure of its members, staff, volunteers and how they assist members, staff, volunteers that may be needed
meetings? the organization to fulfill its mission and to strengthen the organization’s capacity to

vision? fulfill its mission and vision?

1. Describe the organization in relation to the 2. What neighborhood issues is the organization 1. Describe the organization in relation to the
neighborhood where the community members currently attempting to address? neighborhood where the community members
are (i.e. demographics? Does the staff, board, are (i.e. demographics? Does the staff, board,
members commute or live in the 4. What things would the organization need to members commute or live in the
neighborhood?) further engage with it members and the neighborhood?)

community?
5. What do you find to be the biggest challenges 3. What kind of interactions does the organization
in the organization’s ability to work within the have with its members or population it serves?
culture of a disadvantaged neighborhood?

6. Have the organization demonstrated an ability
to reach out to disadvantaged populations to
help fulfill the mission?

Impact Driven

Mulitcultural & Culturally
Competent

Finance & Business Savvy

Continuous Learning

Boards as Value Add

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 253

Appendix B

Is Your Organization Next Generation Self-Assessment

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 254

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 255

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 256

Appendix C

Request to Use the Next Generation Assessment

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 257

Appendix D

Participant Demographics Characterizing Minimum Requirements

Respondent
ID FBO Association Respondent Role FBO Organizational Characteristics Q1 Age

Q2
Gender

Q3
Number of
Employees

Q5
Employment

Status

Q10
Years

Residing in
Community

Q11
Position Status

10 Years or
More

0 Non-FBO – City of Shelbyville Government Representative

local government office of Shelbyville engaged in a
faith-based partnership on behalf of the city’s
mayor N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

9 FBO #1 – Jonestown Leader

a non-profit center established to create financial
wealth and jobs and provide opportunities for skill
building, entrepreneurship, or another means 56-59 Male 20-40 Full-time 8+ Yes

5 FBO #1 – Jonestown Staff

a non-profit center established to create financial
wealth and jobs and provide opportunities for skill
building, entrepreneurship, or another means 18-25 Female 20-40 Full-time 8+ No

11 FBO #1 – Jonestown Partner

a non-profit center established to create financial
wealth and jobs and provide opportunities for skill
building, entrepreneurship, or another means 50-55 Female 20-40 Full-time 8+ No

3 FBO #2 – Fredericksville Leader
an umbrella department of an educational facility
affiliated with a national church 40-45 Female 2-5 Full-time 8+ No

4 FBO #2 – Fredericksville Staff
an umbrella department of an educational facility
affiliated with a national church 56-59 Male 100+ Full-time 8+ Yes

2 FBO #2 – Fredericksville Partner
an umbrella department of an educational facility
affiliated with a national church 60-65 Female 2-5 Part-time 8+ No

1 FBO #3 – Jamestown Leader

a national affiliate FBO that focuses its efforts on
providing opportunities for self-reliance to
individuals and helping them acquire access, skills,
and financial education 36-39 Male 5-10 Full-time 3-5 No

6 FBO #3 – Jamestown Board

10 FBO #3 – Jamestown Partner

12 FBO #4 – Dublinville Leader

a Christian-based church that focuses most of its
services around its surrounding community as a
direct legacy of its original founder with several
profit-generating subdivisions 50-55 Male 10-20 Part-time 8+ Yes

8 FBO #4 – Dublinville Staff

7 FBO #4 – Dublinville Partner

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 258

Appendix E

Overview of Participant Sample

Respondent
ID FBO Association Respondent Role FBO Organizational Characteristics

Q3
Number of
Employees

Q4 Other
If Other Specify

Q9 Own
or Rent?

Q11
Position Status

10 Years or
More

9 FBO #1 – Jonestown Leader

a non-profit center established to create financial
wealth and jobs and provide opportunities for skill
building, entrepreneurship, or another means 20-40 Hispanic, Caucasian Rent Yes

5 FBO #1 – Jonestown Staff

a non-profit center established to create financial
wealth and jobs and provide opportunities for skill
building, entrepreneurship, or another means 20-40 Rent No

3 FBO #2 – Fredericksville Leader
an umbrella department of an educational facility
affiliated with a national church 2-5

Hispanic, Asian,
Caucasian, Other Own No

4 FBO #2 – Fredericksville Staff
an umbrella department of an educational facility
affiliated with a national church 100+ Own Yes

1 FBO #3 – Jamestown Leader

a national affiliate FBO that focuses its efforts on
providing opportunities for self-reliance to
individuals and helping them acquire access, skills,
and financial education 5-10 Rent No

6 FBO #3 – Jamestown Saff or Board

12 FBO #4 – Dublinville Leader

a Christian-based church that focuses most of its
services around its surrounding community as a
direct legacy of its original founder with several
profit-generating subdivisions 10-20 Rent, Own Yes

8 FBO #4 – Dublinville Staff

a Christian-based church that focuses most of its
services around its surrounding community as a
direct legacy of its original founder with several
profit-generating subdivisions 20-40 Rent, Own No

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 259

Appendix F

Demographic Information for Data Collection Form

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 260

Appendix G

Certification Page

FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 261

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Dissertation Copyright Page

Faith-Based Organizations Engaged In CED – Danielle Davis Final

Scan0044

Danielle Davis – Final 7.4.20

Chapter One

Problem Statement

Purpose of the Study

Significance of the Study

Theoretical Framework

Research Questions

Limitations/Delimitations

Definition of Terms

Chapter Summary

Chapter Two: Literature Review

Critical Analysis

The Emergence of FBOs

Overview of FBOs

Characteristics and Typologies

Religiosity and the FBOs

Benefits and Unique Challenges

Qualities of Successful FBOs

The Role of the FBO within CED

Religion and Entrepreneurship

Community Development

Economic Development and Small Business

Internal and External Perceptions

Marketing and Communication

CED: A Newer Paradigm

Elements of CED

Training. Education as a tool for social change may create empowered and self-sufficient individuals and communities, as well as facilitate sound decision-making and preserve the democratic values of self-determination (CCED, 1996). It affords opportu…

Technical assistance. Technical assistance for citizens and their organizations is critical to the development of healthy, sustainable, democratic communities (CCED, 1996). Universities, consulting firms, and community resources with the goal of assis…

Capacity building. The CCED (1996) defines capacity building as the activities designed to improve the ability of citizens and their organizations. The overarching goal is “to solve immediate specific problems and also improve their ability to solve f…

Networking. For many reasons networking can be important. It may increase the relationships for individuals and organizations. The CCED (1996) defines it as a process for establishing ongoing communication, cooperation, and or mutual assistance that o…

Applied research. The CCED (1996) confirms that it is important to develop and implement research activities to help address problems of distressed communities. They define applied research as “the thoughtful creation, interpretation, communication, o…

Professional development. Professional development activities may include a range of deeds such as training, participation in projects, positions on boards and committees, webinars, and other actions that will increase the skill, knowledge, and unders…

Theoretical Framework

Holistic Faith-Based Empowerment Theory and Development

Leadership Theory

Servant Leadership

The Law of Addition

Capacity building and effectiveness – law of the lid. According to Maxwell (2007), personal and organizational effectiveness is proportionate to the strength of leadership and abilities in people skills, planning and strategic thinking, vision, and re…

Inspiration – the law of influence. As purported by Maxwell (2007), titles do not have much value when it comes to leading; they can buy time, either to increase one’s level of influence or undermine it. For him, some people emerge as leaders because …

Development – the law of process. Leadership development is not a one-time event, but a process. According to Maxwell (2007), daily development occurs through five phases of growth, encourages development, matures people, is a culture issue, changes p…

Vision – the law of buy-in. Maxwell (2007) believes that “People buy into the leader, then the vision,” and “Having an understanding of that changes your whole approach to leading people” (p. 171). In other words, if people buy into you, then they buy…

Management Theory

Leadership and management. Harpst (2008) writes, a business made of people, strategy, business processes, technology, and expertise requires purpose, careful design, management, and maintenance. It is not just necessary to examine leadership; one must…

Management in practice. Qehaja, Kutllovci, and Pula (2017) write, “Various authors have presented a different number of tools for strategic analysis by specifying them as a guide for managers” (p. 586). Stonehouse and Pemberton (as cited in Qehaja, Ku…

Managerial competencies. Boyatzis (2011) explains, “Outstanding leaders, managers, advanced professionals and people in key jobs, from sales to bank tellers, appear to require three clusters of behavioral habits as threshold abilities and three cluste…

Managerial discipline. Harpst (2008) writes, “The majority of us just don’t know how to put together all the key steps of strategy, planning, organizational alignment, execution management, innovation and measurement” (p. 36). Therefore, it requires k…

Strategic vision. Harpst (2008) suggests that many business leaders talk about their vision, the first discipline, and possibilities, “But they don’t like taking the time to plan the steps for getting there” (p. 104). He submits that not just faith-ba…

Initiate change. Initiating change is not always easy; it depends on the types of change, the management of the steps, and the team involved in it. This is true for organizations and communities. There needs to be a framework of some kind that has pro…

Align all systems. Harpst (2008) explains, “The majority of us just don’t know how to put together all the key steps of strategy, planning, organizational alignment, execution management, innovation, and measurement” (p. 36). The author recommends a b…

Staff and Volunteers

Together, towards one goal. Harpst (2008) defines teamwork as a subgroup with a shared purpose who depends on each other to learn and grow. According to him, “An organization’s leadership team is the small group of senior leadership who are ultimately…

Improve quality and process. Harpst (2008) purports, “Over the past several decades, a variety of programs, initiatives, and standards have evolved specific to quality improvement, performance, and business excellence” (p. 49). For FBOs this is import…

Accountability and measuring performance. Bolman and Deal (2013) purport that a single person within an organization is not the only one responsible and accountable for ensuring effective tasks, processes, and circumstances for satisfaction. Although …

Communication. In Perkin’s (1995) book Restoring At-Risk Communities: Doing It Together & Doing It Right, within his “concept of the proclamation of the gospel known as the ‘wheel of ministry,’” he explains that “effective communication of the message…

Program theory. Harden (2006) proposes a new faith-based program evaluation theory and tools to demonstrate limited differences in FBOs’ ability to achieve effective outcomes. He determines that religious beliefs and values do not have to conflict wit…

Review, adjust, and excel: Organizational development. According to an online blog, another action of leadership and management is to use the discipline of Organizational Development to determine capabilities for growth. Six Disciplines writes:

Identification of Gaps and Limitations of the Literature

Chapter Three

Purpose of the Study

Research Design

Methodology

Research Site

Research Questions

Researcher Bias

Ethical Considerations

Sample Size and Selection

Data Collection Methods

Interviews

Interview Guidelines

Instrumentation

Document Analysis

Validity and Reliability

Positionality

Analysis of Data

Chapter Summary

Chapter Four: Findings

The Study and the Results

Research Questions

Sample

Data Collection

Demographic collection instrument results. The researcher collected data through a demographic form distributed both electronically and in-person to 12 FBO interviewees. The focus was to determine the experience of the participants representing the fo…

Descriptive information on interview compilation. In analyzing the data, each of the organizations is made up of people with different leadership styles, geographical locations, experiences, strategies, structures, and challenges. Among those intervie…

Case study data gathering process. In January 2018, the researcher sought to research local FBOs that engaged or provided evidence of some interest in engaging in CED. The investigator pursued IRB authorization to include each one of the organizations…

Data Analysis Process

Analytical codes, interview questions, and protocol. All scripted interviews with the FBOs resulted from using an assessment; this was not the case for the NFBO. Therefore, only one of the 13 did not participate in the administration of the Is Your Or…

Coding process. The manual open coding process was used in the first cycle of the analysis, followed by the use of NVivo 10 software to check for additional codes in the second cycle, which each “represent[s] and capture[s] a datum’s primary content a…

NVivo analysis. The qualitative data analysis software, NVivo 10, helped organize the electronic documents, categorize the data, and identify the emergent themes (Cope, 2008). Added to the codebook were the previously mentioned nine analytic codes, de…

Theoretical coding summary of results. All of these methods and tools helped with the analysis of data. The analyzed data determined if the results yielded any components of Servant Leadership, Faith-Based Management, and or the Holistic Faith-Based E…

Next Generation Organizations’ Nine Key Traits

Emergent Themes from Analysis

Relationships between Shelbyville and FBOs

Macro-Level Engagement

Micro-Level Engagement Based on Leadership, Management, and Religiosity

Final Meso FBO Participation Results

Jonestown – FBO #1 Overview

Fredericksville – FBO #2 Overview

Jamestown – FBO #3 Overview

Dublinville – (FBO) #4 Overview

Engaging FBOs in CED Findings

RQ1: FBOs’ Perceived Leadership Needs to Sustain CED

Theme 1: Empowered People on an Individual Level

Impact driven. Data gathered from both the leader and partner of the four FBOs yielded the following information about leadership relative to the Impact Driven = A1 trait, analytical coding. Each of these participants confirmed that their organization…

Finance and business savvy. Cornelius et al. (2011) purport, “Next generation organizations…effectively manage to a dual bottom line: financial viability and positive social impact” (p. 8). To gain an understanding from the partner’s perception of the…

Continuous learning. Cornelius et al. (2011) define continuous learning as being “similar to Peter Senge’s definition of the ‘learning organization’” with five characteristics: systems thinking, personal mastery, effective use and discarding of mental…

Shared leadership. A staff or board member was asked question D2, how is knowledge transferred? Pearce, Wasaneer, and Manz (2014) write, “all leadership is shared leadership; it is simply a matter of degree—sometimes it is shared completely while at o…

Wired for policy advocacy. According to Cornelius et al. (2011), a job description of the leader includes public policy work in pursuit of structural changes that would eliminate or reduce the need to exist. Consequently, the researcher felt that havi…

Ambiguity of work-life boundaries. Cornelius et al. (2011) submit a concern about the previous generation of leadership and write, “next generation leaders believe that maintaining good work/life balance is essential to staying effective in their jobs…

Multicultural and culturally competent. The researcher referred to question I2, what neighborhood issues is the organization currently attempting to address, to the staff or board member to better understand this phenomenon from their perspectives. Th…

Constituents as thought partners. Cornelius et al. (2011) write, “Next generation organizations understand that those to whom they are accountable are in the best position to participate in problem solving” (p. 16). The researcher asked three question…

Boards as value add. Cornelius et al. (2011) write, “Instead of power struggles with the executive director over roles and responsibilities, the next generation board is viewed through an asset-based lens” (p. 16). Servant Leadership, according to Pat…

RQ2: FBOs’ Perceived Management Challenges in Implementation

Theme 2: Empowered Communities for Solving Neighborhood Problems

Impact driven. However, when the FBO leaders were asked to describe the business model and formal structure, processes involved, benchmarking, mapping, focus groups/seminars, and questions about their representative in the community (question A6), it …

Finance and Business Savvy

Continuous learning. In this section, FBO leaders’ information is shared about question C4 regarding their processes between the gathering of knowledge and policy formulation and the timing of such activities. The findings show that some:

Shared leadership. The leaders’ responses to the question on shared leadership (D3) gives insight on how they decide which principles or best practices are usable and why. The findings show that they are determined in multiple ways:

Wired for policy advocacy. The staff/board answered question E7 about how important funding history is to CED and this yielded little data about CSBG funding, CDCs, Community Action Agencies, and partnerships. Although each of the participants felt th…

Constituents as thought partners. The staff and board responses to question G5 showed how stakeholders or support organizations capture local objectives and goals from the community and voluntary groups. Responses included:

Boards as value add. Question H1 addressed to the staff or board asked them for a description of the skills of individual board members, staff, and volunteers, as well as how they assist the FBO to fulfill its mission and vision. The findings show tha…

Multicultural and culturally competent. The researcher found it important to ask the partners question I6 to identify their perceptions of how the FBOs demonstrate an ability to reach out to disadvantaged populations to help fulfill the mission. The r…

RQ3: FBOs Overcoming Perceived Challenges of Religiosity

Theme 3: Empowered Regional Stakeholders for Social and Economic Injustices

Impact driven. The staff and board responses to how the engagement with community and stakeholders develops assist readers on these matters. The findings show several ways this can take place:

Finance and business savvy. The FBO leaders were asked question B3 to inform the researcher on the desired returns from engaging in CED. The findings show the following as important to them:

Continuous learning. Staff and board responses to question C2 shed light on what and how the organizations learn from national or government policy. The findings show:

Shared leadership. The staff and board responses to question D1, what and how the organization, staff, and board learn from each other, show:

Wired for policy advocacy. The FBO leaders responded to question E1 in a variety of ways when they described how and why they perceived changes in CED initiatives over the past five years. The findings show:

Constituents as thought partners. The partners answered question G4, in what ways do local and national entities influence the organization and its capacity to engage in CED? The findings show:

Boards as value add. The partners answered question H2 as they described the skills of individual board members, staff, and volunteers that may be needed to strengthen the organization’s capacity to fulfill its mission and vision. The findings show:

Multicultural and culturally competent. The staff or board further responded to question I4 about multicultural and cultural competence, and explained which things the organization would need to further engage with its members and the community? The f…

Chapter Summary

Restatement of Purpose of the Study

Methodology

Interpretation of the Findings and Implications for Theory and Practice

Final Meso FBO Interpretation and Implications for Theory and Practice

Relationship between Shelbyville and FBOs

(R1): What perceived leadership experience do FBOs need to demonstrate in order to effectively contribute to the sustainability of CED?

Empowered people on an individual level. The FBO participants’ responses look at organizational management structures and leadership practices (Cornelius & Wolford, 2011) from various standpoints including those of partners, staff, leaders, stakeholde…

(R2): What perceived management challenges do FBOs face related to the implementation of programs and services designed to contribute to the sustainability of CED?

Empowered communities for solving neighborhood problems. According to the responses, the business model and formal organizational structure may determine the levels of engagement of FBOs in CED and determine whether they can empower communities to sol…

(R3): What can FBOs do to overcome perceived challenges related to religiosity while engaged or attempting to engage in CED?

Empowered regional stakeholders for social and economic injustices. Again, this study intends to illuminate the perceptions, experiences, and challenges FBOs face when engaged in CED in the greater Shelbyville region. As with chapter four, the remaind…

Discussion of Important Lessons from the Study and Their Application to Theory

Implications for Theory and Research

Servant leadership. The Servant Leadership Model and theory informs the research as Van Dierendonck (2011) identified important characteristics, which also included empowering and developing people and stewardship. Servant Leadership theory includes c…

Faith-based management. The faith-based management framework informs this research because it appears to be the missing link in most of the research. A management approach is popular in most organizational settings but seems to be absent in FBO resear…

Holistic faith-based development theory. As previously mentioned in chapter two, FBOs have unique benefits as it relates to religiosity (Brinckerhoff, 1999; Hula, et al., 2007; Rakodi, 2016, Wallace et al., 2004). Benefits of FBOs include an opportuni…

Limitations

Recommendations for Further Research

Recommendations for Policy Considerations

Discussion of How Further Research Extends, Differs From, or Replicates Past Studies

Unique Contribution of the Intended Dissertation Study

Summary and Conclusion

Appendix A

Interview Questions Modified from Assessment

Appendix B

Is Your Organization Next Generation Self-Assessment

Appendix C

Request to Use the Next Generation Assessment

Appendix D

Participant Demographics Characterizing Minimum Requirements

Appendix E

Overview of Participant Sample

Appendix F

Demographic Information for Data Collection Form

Appendix G

Certification Page

References

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