Week 6 The Ethics and Cultural Decision Making paper

In your paper,

Explain what the simulation offered with suggested correct decisions. Are these suggested decisions that might have been made in the cultures described in the article (i.e., agency, corporate egoist, instrumentalist, moralist, and altruist)?
Identify how important stakeholder culture is to the decision-making process about what is ethically permissible.
Identify what kind of culture, agency, corporate egoist, instrumentalist, moralist, or altruist would one want in an enterprise?

The Ethics and Cultural Decision Making paper

Must be THREE double-spaced pages in length (not including title and references pages)NO MORE THAN 5 PAGES TOTAL OR POINTS WILL BE DEDUCTED….ALSO APA Style
Must include a separate title page with the following:
Title of paper
Student’s name
Course name and number
Instructor’s name
Date submitted
Must utilize academic voice.
Must include an introduction and conclusion paragraph. Your introduction paragraph needs to end with a clear thesis statement that indicates the purpose of your paper.
Must use at least two scholarly sources in addition to the course text.
Must include a separate references page that is formatted according to APA Style

ETHICAL THEORY AND STAKEHOLDER-
RELATED DECISIONS: THE ROLE OF

STAKEHOLDER CULTURE

THOMAS M. JONES
WILL FELPS

GREGORY A. BIGLEY
University of Washington Business Schoo

We use convergent elements of major ethical theories to create a typology of corporate
stakeholder cultures—the aspects of organizational culture consisting of the beliefs,
values, and practices that have evolved for solving problems and otherwise manag-
ing stakeholder relationships. We describe five stakeholder cultures—agency, corpo-
rate egoist, instrumentalist, moralist, and altruist—and explain how these cultures lie
on a continuum, ranging from individually self-interested (agency culture) to ful

other-regarding (altruist culture). We demonstrate the utility of our framework by
showing how it can refine stakeholder salience theory.

Stakeholder theorists view the corporation a

a collection of internal and external groups (e.g.,
shareholders, employees, customers, suppliers,
creditors, and neighboring communities)—tha

is, “stakeholders,” originally defined as those
who are affected by and/or can affect the
achievement of the firm’s objectives (Freeman,
1984). A major theme of stakeholder theory is the
nature of the relationships between the firm
(typically represented by its top managers) and
stakeholders, whose interests often diverge con-
siderably not only from those of the firm but al

from each other. Early stakeholder theorizin

was marked by some conceptual confusion, but
Donaldson and Preston’s (1995) three-part taxon-
omy—normative (How should the firm relate to
its stakeholders?), instrumental (What happens
if the firm relates to its stakeholders in certain
ways?), and descriptive (How does the firm re-
late to its stakeholders?)— helped focus and
clarify much stakeholder thinking. The norma-
tive questions are particularly important be-
cause they differentiate stakeholder theory from
other prominent theories in organization sci-
ence, such as resource dependence, manageri

cognition, and institutional theories.

Although we do not take a normative stan

per se, we do focus on the ways that firms man-
age relationships with stakeholders and hand

trade-offs among competing stakeholder claims
based on the ethical foundations of their corpo-
rate cultures. Further conceptual development
regarding how firms manage stakeholder rela-
tionships seems warranted for two reasons.
First, several distinct ethical frameworks have
been advanced as potential foundations for
managerial decision making with respect to
stakeholder matters (e.g., Burton & Dunn, 1996;
Evan & Freeman, 1988; Wicks, Gilbert, & Free-
man, 1994), raising questions about how these
ethical frameworks might be used jointly to in-
form a more general model. Second, whereas
the focus of attention in stakeholder theo

mainly has been on top managers, understood
as relatively autonomous decision makers,
these managers are often profoundly influenced
by the organizational context in which they are
embedded (Daft & Weick, 1984; Katz & Kahn,
1978; March & Simon, 1958). This suggests a need
to identify organization-level factors that could
help us predict how firms manage stakeholder
relationships.

Our paper addresses these two points. We
first review the diverse ethical theories that
have been applied to business and identify a
convergent theme—a concern for the interests of
others, as opposed to self-interest. We note that
managers often feel tension between these two
sentiments when they make stakeholder-related
decisions, a tension frequently linked to and
emanating from stakeholder attributes: power
and legitimacy. Next, we describe an ethically

We gratefully acknowledge constructive comments on
earlier versions of this paper by Robert Phillips, Shawn
Berman, and three anonymous AMR reviewers.

� Academy of Management Review
2007, Vol. 32, No. 1,

137

–155.

137

based organization-level construct—stake-
holder culture—that, we argue, helps resolve
this tension and, more generally, influences
managerial thinking and behavior with respect
to stakeholder relationships. We then develop a
punctuated continuum of five stakeholder cul-
tures, ranging from fundamentally amoral cul-
tures based on individual self-interest to limited
morality cultures based on the advancement of
shareholder interests and then to broadly moral
cultures based on concern for the interests of all
stakeholders. We explain how ethical theory
might be linked, conceptually if not semanti-
cally, to the ethical frameworks commonly un-
derstood by corporate managers and, thus, to
stakeholder cultures. Finally, to illustrate the
value of the stakeholder culture construct, we
show how it would alter the predictions yielded
by Mitchell, Agle, and Wood’s (1997) stakeholder
salience model.

ETHICAL FOUNDATIONS

To explore possible elements of convergence
in ethical theory, we briefly review the promi-
nent perspectives, most of them the work of
moral philosophers. We begin with a discussion
of egoism, an approach to ethics that is essential
to an understanding of ethical theory in general,
followed by outlines of the basic tenets of utili-
tarianism, Kantian principles, Rawlsian fair-
ness, rights, the ethics of care, virtue ethics, and
integrated social contracts theory (ISCT). Later,
we argue that corporate cultures, although they
may not use the precise language of ethical
theory, do have core values that roughly match
those of these theories. Where available, we
present evidence of common language versions
of these ethical sentiments among managers
and in firms.

A Brief Review of Ethical Theory

Egoism involves acting exclusively in one’s
own self-interest. Two forms of egoism are rele-
vant to our discussion: psychological egoi

and ethical egoism. On the one hand, psycho-
logical egoism—a descriptive theory of human
behavior—holds that people are innately self-
interested and routinely act to advance their
interests. Ethical egoism, on the other hand, is a
normative perspective that holds that people
ought to act exclusively in their self-interest.

This view posits that a person is obligated only
to enhance his or her own long-term welfare and
that commitments to others are not binding and
should be reneged on if they cease to be advan-
tageous to the individual (Beauchamp & Bowie,
2004). The welfare of others is relevant to an
egoist only if it affects his or her welfare; it has
no independent moral standing.

Few moral philosophers endorse ethical ego-
ism, and some would deny that it constitutes a
normative theory at all (e.g., Barry & Stephens,
1998). As noted below, a great deal of scholar-
ship in moral philosophy and applied ethics is
devoted to arguing that people (and organiza-
tions) ought to take the interests of others into
account in their decision-making processes and
behavior. Although the foundational principles,
the arguments, the conclusions, and the behav-
ioral prescriptions vary greatly among these
theories, it is not much of an intellectual stretch
to say that ethics is about other-regarding,
rather than self-regarding, thought and behav-
ior. Our focus is on the extent to which an or-
ganizational culture adopts self-interest or re-
jects it in favor of other-regarding sentiments, as
reflected in the following theories.

Utilitarianism, based on the work of Hume
(1740/2000), Bentham (1789/1996), and Mill (1863/
1998), admonishes moral agents to promote over-
all human welfare by acting in ways that result in
the greatest total beneficial consequences minus
harmful consequences. Utilitarian theory applies
this “cost-benefit” calculus universally—that is, to
all who are affected by the decision, not just an
individual (as in egoism) or an organization (as in
corporate profit maximization). Utilitarianism
takes two forms: act utilitarianism and rule utili-
tarianism. Act utilitarianism involves maximizing
benefits relative to costs for the discrete decision
in question. Rule utilitarianism involves following
rules that are established in order to achieve the
greatest net positive consequences over time.

Kantian ethics departs significantly from util-
itarianism’s focus on consequences; the focus
instead is on principles—a deontological ap-
proach. Kant argued that human beings should
be treated not simply as a means to one’s own
ends but also as ends in themselves. This em-
phasis on “respect for persons” stems from the
view that human beings should be regarded as
independent agents, with interests of their own
and the judgment to act on them. In other words,
they should be accorded the freedom to act au-

138 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

tonomously. Kant gave great importance to mo-
tives for acting—making the right decisions for
the right reasons being the ultimate goal. Kant
was quite explicit regarding appropriate rea-
sons for moral actions—that is, moral obliga-
tion. An act performed for reasons of personal
satisfaction (or the benefit of the firm) carries
less moral weight than it would if it were per-
formed because of a duty to do so. Kant also
argued that the principles ought to be universal-
izable; that is, if everyone adopted the principle,
it should not be self-defeating. For example, if
promise breaking were to become universal
law, promises would have no meaning. The idea
behind this prescription is that no moral code
ought to apply only to oneself. Kant is also cred-
ited with the idea that principles ought to be
reversible, a notion well-captured by the Golden
Rule: “Do unto others as you would have them
do unto you.”

Rawlsian fairness considerations also entail a
regard for others. In A Theory of Justice (1971a),
Rawls regards justice for the individual, not ag-
gregate welfare, as the “first virtue” of social
institutions. In colloquial terms, he is concerned
more with how the pie is divided than with how
large it is, a utilitarian concern. Although his
arguments regarding distributive justice as fair-
ness are intended to apply to social institutions
(e.g., governmental policies), they may have im-
plications for individuals and firms that make
decisions regarding the distribution of economic
benefits and burdens. Using the “social con-
tract” as a heuristic device, Rawls argues that
principles of justice ought to be arrived at by
individuals making choices behind a “veil of
ignorance”—an imaginary situation wherein
the parties are ignorant of their own character-
istics (advantages and disadvantages), thus
rendering improbable the choice of principles
that favor their own strengths and discount their
weaknesses. The use of this device, intended to
mitigate the effects of inequalities of initial cir-
cumstances over which people have no control
and are, hence, undeserved, leads individuals to
prefer a state of basic equality. This state of
equality is then used as a point of comparison
for alternative (unequal) states to determine
their fairness. If everyone prefers an alternative
distributive state to one of equality, it is consid-
ered just. Rawls’ difference principle reflects his
conclusion that inequalities are just only if they

result in benefits for everyone, with particular
emphasis on the least advantaged.

Rights theories have to do with securing or
preserving certain liberties (negative rights) or
benefits (positive rights) for their holders. The
possession of a right by one party implies the
existence of a corresponding duty or obligation
on others’ part. In the case of negative rights,
that duty is to allow the party to act freely (not be
interfered with) within the domain covered by
the right. In the case of positive rights, the obli-
gation is to provide the party with a benefit of
some kind. Since rights often conflict with one
another and there is no widely accepted hierar-
chy of rights, some moral philosophers have
concluded that rights should be accorded prima
facie validity. That is, rights should be re-
spected unless there are good moral reasons for
violating them; the moral force of a right de-
pends on its “strength” in relation to other moral
considerations applicable to the context in
question.

The ethics of care derives from “feminist eth-
ics” in general and the work of Gilligan (1982) in
particular. This perspective focuses on personal
relationships and the traits of personal charac-
ter that create and sustain them—friendship,
compassion, sympathy, empathy, faithfulness,
and loyalty, for example. The focus on these
human traits, which certainly qualify as virtues
(as discussed below), deliberately eschews the
emphasis on rules and calculations that charac-
terize Kantian and utilitarian thought. Also ab-
sent are notions of universality and impartiality;
the ethics of care regards actual relationships
and the social contexts in which they are em-
bedded as valid and important elements of eth-
ical decision making. An ethical “dilemma” is
not seen as an abstract problem with only one
ethically “correct” solution that can be agreed
on by impartial observers applying universally
accepted principles. Instead, solutions can and
should emerge from mutually caring relation-
ships and the contexts in which the problems
are embedded. Particular human beings in par-
ticular settings should generate “caring” solu-
tions appropriate to unique situations.

Virtue ethics also focuses on human virtues,
albeit a much longer list. For example, Pincoffs,
giving new life to the ideas of Aristotle, offers a
list of over six dozen virtues (1986: 85). He argues
that the development of virtuous character
should be a primary goal of the human condi-

2007 139Jones, Felps, and Bigley

tion, and he identifies four classes of virtues:
aesthetic, ameliorating, instrumental, and
moral. Virtue ethics is about conditioning one-
self to act morally as a matter of habit.

ISCT is a very recent addition to the normative
ethics literature. Unlike other ethical theories
that must be adapted to business settings, ISCT
is intended to apply directly to them. Its most
formal and complete articulation is found in
Donaldson and Dunfee’s book entitled Ties That
Bind: A Social Contracts Approach to Business
Ethics (1999). These authors use a social con-
tracts perspective to show how individual com-
munities can be allowed to develop their own
(local) standards, within a “moral free space,” as
long as they (1) meet certain standards involv-
ing acceptance by community members and (2)
do not violate broad, universal standards, called
“hypernorms.” As such, the theory attempts to
simultaneously allow for a substantial diversity
of adaptation to local conditions without allow-
ing these developed norms to violate higher eth-
ical standards.

In fact, the theory establishes an elaborate set
of standards by which the propriety of these
local norms should be judged. In order to be
authentic, local norms must (1) have the consent
of most members of the community, (2) allow exit
from the community, and (3) allow “voice” in
order to permit change in the norms, thus assur-
ing that most members of the community regard
them as binding. In turn, authentic norms are
judged legitimate if they do not violate any hy-
pernorms. Hypernorms are the result of “a con-
vergence of religious, political, and philosophi-
cal thought” across a broad number of nations
and cultures (Donaldson & Dunfee, 1999: 44).

Finally, these authors offer a set of priority
rules for choosing between/among competing
legitimate norms. Legitimate norms that either
do not conflict with or have priority over other
legitimate norms are considered binding ethical
standards. ISCT is quite different from the other
theories described here, but, as discussed in the
next section, it shares one important perspective
with those theories.

Convergent Elements in Ethical Theory

Although the ethical theories reviewed above
differ in important ways, they converge on one
essential point—their emphasis on concern for
others over self-interest. Because the extent of

concern for others can differ as well, particularly
in a corporate context, in a later section we
develop a continuum of stakeholder cultures
ranging from individually self-interested to ex-
clusively other-regarding. Although we are the
first to propose such a continuum at the organi-
zation level, theories of identity, leadership, and
cooperation employ similar distinctions at the
micro level. Identity theories posit that people
can think of themselves as individuals or as part
of larger collectives (Ashforth & Mael, 1989), with
only one level being active at a time (Lord,
Brown, & Freiberg, 1999). Walzer (1994) makes a
distinction between “thin selves,” concerned
with narrow, short-term interests, and “thick
selves,” embedded in larger historical and so-
cial developments. In his view, moral reasoning
and behavior are facilitated only by “thick” in-
terpretations of self.

Similarly, some models of managerial leader-
ship also contain references to collective-level
versus self-level concepts. Transformational,
charismatic, and visionary leaders may achieve
success by activating their followers’ sense of
self at the collective level through articulation of
a compelling moral mission (Shamir, House, &
Arthur, 1993). Shamir, Zakay, Breinin, and Pop-
per (1998), Paul, Costley, Howell, Dorfman, and
Trafimow (2001), and Sparks and Schenk (2001)
provide additional support for this view. Models
of cooperation also feature a prominent distinc-
tion between self-oriented and other-regarding
behavior. Under the rubric of “social value ori-
entation” (McClintock, 1978; Messick & Mc-
Clintock, 1968), cooperation researchers have
identified four profiles in situations involving
potential cooperation. Competitors try to maxi-
mize their outcomes relative to others. Individu-
alists seek to maximize their absolute, not rela-
tive, outcomes. Cooperators try to maximize joint
outcomes without being cheated themselves.
And altruists try to maximize the other party’s
outcome with less concern for their own.

Clearly, scholars in other fields have found
the contrast between narrow self-interest and a
concern for others, narrow or broad, useful in
explaining human behavior. We develop an
analogous concept at the organization level—a
continuum of stakeholder cultures based on the
extent to which they are other-regarding. We
propose that stakeholder culture is a potent or-
ganizational factor, profoundly influencing the
way in which managers understand, prioritize,

140 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

and respond to stakeholder issues and, as an
example, how they establish stakeholder sa-
lience. As an introduction to these arguments,
we offer a discussion of the moral tension be-
tween self-interest and the interests of stake-
holders in managerial decision making.

ETHICS, STAKEHOLDERS, AND MANAGERIAL
DECISION MAKING

Decision making with respect to stakeholder
relationships can be fraught with tension.
Trade-offs between firm interests and stake-
holder interests, as well as those between or
among the interests of different stakeholders,
inherently involve the allocation of benefits and
burdens among human beings and, hence, in-
volve moral questions. Commonly, the tension
that arises in this context is one of deciding
whether to act in a self-regarding manner or in
an other-regarding manner. Hendry (2004) not
only captures this tension quite nicely but also
mirrors our points of convergence in ethical the-
ory, arguing that managers face two sets of con-
flicting prescriptions about how to act: tradi-
tional morality (obligation and duty, honesty
and respect, fairness and equity, care and assis-
tance) or market morality (self-interest).

In relationships with stakeholders, firms’ self-
interest is often related to the exercise of power,
without regard for moral concerns—a “might
makes right” perspective. Power is well-defined
for stakeholder relationships, by Willer, Lova-
glia, and Markovsky, as “the structurally deter-
mined potential for obtaining favored payoffs in
relations where interests are opposed” (1997:
573). To increase favorable outcomes for them-
selves, self-interested firms with power over
their stakeholders will wield it with impunity.
When confronted with stakeholder power, which
may stem from resources that (1) are concen-
trated or tightly controlled, (2) are essential to
operational performance, or (3) have no viable
substitutes, self-interested firms will be respon-
sive.

In contrast, traditional (other-regarding) mo-
rality may require that firms respond to stake-
holders with legitimacy, which many stake-
holder scholars consider a fundamentally moral
phenomenon. In an integrative review of the
legitimacy literature, Suchman (1995) posits the
existence of three potential bases of legitimacy:
pragmatic (similar to power), cognitive (habit-

ual), and moral (positive normative evaluation).
For most authors who address the issue of stake-
holder legitimacy, however, the term is morally
grounded. Mitchell et al. (1997) found that sev-
eral (but not all) authors offered moral bases for
stakeholder legitimacy (e.g., Carroll, 1979;
Clarkson, 1995; Donaldson & Preston, 1995; Evan
& Freeman, 1988; Langtry, 1994). This conclusion
is not surprising, since basing legitimacy on
power and/or habit would run counter to a cen-
tral tenet of stakeholder theory—moral justifica-
tions for firm/stakeholder relationships (Donald-
son & Preston, 1995; Jones & Wicks, 1999). Indeed,
Donaldson and Preston conclude that “the cen-
tral core of the [stakeholder] theory is, however,
normative” (1995: 183). We highlight the moral
foundation of stakeholder legitimacy because,
as argued above, not all firms will treat moral
claims in the same manner.

Our preferred account of stakeholder legiti-
macy is provided by Phillips (2003), whose anal-
ysis includes a compelling account of the link
between legitimacy and power, a connection
that becomes important in our discussion of the
impact of stakeholder cultures on stakeholder
salience. Phillips bases his notion of normative
legitimacy on “stakeholder fairness” (Phillips,
1997), which, in turn, draws on the work of Hart
(1955) and Rawls (1964, 1971a,b). In this formula-
tion, “obligations of fairness” are created when-
ever parties accept benefits of a mutually ben-
eficial cooperative arrangement (Phillips, 1997:
57). Phillips (1997) also stipulates that partici-
pants make contributions and/or sacrifices to
effect the arrangement and that “free riding” by
participants is possible. When these conditions
are met, stakeholders have normatively legiti-
mate claims on the corporation (and vice versa).
Although not all stakeholder theorists adopt this
particular account of stakeholder legitimacy, al-
most all believe that corporations have moral
obligations to address, in some way, the norma-
tively legitimate claims of stakeholders.

Phillips (2003) also introduces the notion of
derivative legitimacy. Derivative legitimacy is
generated from a stakeholder group’s power to
affect the firm and its normatively legitimate
stakeholders, even though that group has no
normatively legitimate claims on the firm. Man-
agerial attention to derivatively legitimate
claims is morally justified by the responsibility
managers have to protect the interests of the
firm and its normatively legitimate stakehold-

2007 141Jones, Felps, and Bigley

ers. Derivatively legitimate stakeholders—for
example, the media, radical activist groups (ter-
rorists, in the extreme case), and competitors—
can affect the corporation in either beneficial or
harmful ways. Indeed, most firms grant substan-
tial salience to their competitors, even though
they are certainly not normatively legitimate
stakeholders. As Phillips puts it, normative le-
gitimacy provides an answer to the question
“For whose benefit . . . should the firm be man-
aged?” (2003: 30) and is a primary form of legit-
imacy. From a moral perspective, the claims of
derivatively legitimate stakeholders are sec-
ondary and should be addressed only when they
affect the interests of normatively legitimate
stakeholders. Firms concerned about their moral
obligations will attend to the claims of both nor-
matively and derivatively legitimate stakehold-
ers. Moral obligations are central to our stake-
holder culture construct, the topic to which we
now turn.

STAKEHOLDER CULTURES

We argued above that when managers are
faced with ethical decisions, they experience a
tension between self-interest, often bolstered by
a “market morality” (Hendry, 2004), and other-
regarding sentiments, as reflected in traditional
moral principles. This tension is particularly in-
tense in firm/stakeholder relationships because
they are a critical venue for morally significant
interactions. How can the tension be resolved?
We contend that stakeholder culture, which, we
argue, is a central facet of organizational cul-
ture, can provide managers with guidance re-
garding how this tension should be resolved.
Stakeholder culture represents a firm’s collec-
tive reconciliation of these contradictory mo-
tives in the past and, as such, consists of its
shared beliefs, values, and evolved practices
regarding the solution of recurring stakeholder-
related problems. Often, the “solution,” found in
the firm’s stakeholder culture, is a relatively
clear set of prescriptions about whether self-
regarding or other-regarding norms will prevail,
or whether some compromise between the two
will hold sway.

In general, culture is a property of an organi-
zation constituted by (1) its members’ taken-for-
granted beliefs regarding the nature of reality,
called assumptions; (2) a set of normative,
moral, and functional guidelines or criteria for

making decisions, called values; and (3) the
practices or ways of working together that fol-
low from the aforementioned assumptions and
values, called artifacts (e.g., Geertz, 1973; Hatch,
1993; Pettigrew, 1979; Schein, 1985, 1990; Trice &
Beyer, 1984). Organizational culture reflects a
sort of negotiated order (Fine, 1984) that arises
and evolves as members work together, express-
ing preferences, exhibiting more-or-less effec-
tive problem-solving styles (Swidler, 1986), and
managing, at least satisfactorily, external de-
mands and internal needs for coordination and
integration (Schein, 1990). Common experience
in this regard can lead people, over time, to form
shared and deeply ingrained (Denison, 1996) un-
derstandings about the way the organizational
world works and the practices and standards
that are appropriate and effective within that
reality. In effect, culture represents an aspect of
the organizational environment that helps mem-
bers make sense of their own and others’ behav-
ior (Golden, 1992).

Corporate cultures are certainly made up of
more than one cultural dimension; formalism,
adaptability, and time horizon are prominent
examples. However, a firm’s stakeholders are
the source of its most critical contingencies
(Freeman, 1984). Indeed, Barney links successful
corporate cultures to strong core values “about
how to treat employees, customers, suppliers,
and others”—that is, stakeholders (1986: 656). In
addition, although it departs from our model
somewhat by omitting employees, “external ori-
entation” shows up as a central feature of most
typologies of corporate cultures (Denison &
Mishra, 1995; Detert, Schroeder, & Mauriel, 2000;
Schein, 1990; VandenBerg & Wilderom, 2004).
Furthermore, the very inclusive inventory of
stakeholders advanced by most stakeholder the-
orists—for example, Barney’s (1986) list, plus
shareholders and neighboring communities—
indicates that stakeholder relationships lie at
the core of corporate operations. Consequently,
solving stakeholder-related problems will be an
important element of a company’s overall cul-
ture.

In this paper, our focus is on what we call
“stakeholder culture,” which we define as the
beliefs, values, and practices that have evolved
for solving stakeholder-related problems and
otherwise managing relationships with stake-
holders. Although the extent to which organiza-
tional values and assumptions are widely

142 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

shared and deeply held by organization mem-
bers—that is, culture strength—can vary (e.g.,
Schein, 1985), the following arguments should
gain force in proportion to culture strength. In
addition, subcultures often exist within organi-
zations (e.g., Martin, 2002). However, we focus on
the organization-level variable and leave exam-
ination of stakeholder subcultures, and possible
differential treatment of stakeholders across
firm subunits, to future research.

Stakeholder culture is grounded in ethics and
is based on a continuum of concern for others
that runs from self-regarding to other-regarding.
We argue that firms vary with respect to the
extent and nature of their moral concern for their
stakeholders and that this variation will often
be linked, conceptually if not semantically, to
the different moral philosophies. Importantly,
we do not argue that corporate managers know-
ingly subscribe to, for example, utilitarian or
Kantian ethical theories. However, many man-
agers are aware of and subscribe to common
language understandings of these ethical theo-
ries—understandings drawn from the norms of
society at large and revealed in the ethical log-
ics of organizations (e.g., Victor & Cullen, 1988).
Hence, these theories may become important
sensemaking and sensegiving conduits through
which stakeholder culture is communicated.
Furthermore, as with cultures in general, stake-
holder cultures are simultaneously the products
of employee sentiments and reified “social
facts” that have an independent effect on man-
agerial decision making (e.g., Hatch, 1993).

Stakeholder culture is likely to affect how
company employees assess and respond to
stakeholder issues in two related ways: (1) by
constituting a common interpretive frame on the
basis of which information about stakeholder
attributes and issues is collected, screened, and
evaluated and (2) by motivating behaviors and
practices—and, by extension, organizational
routines—that preserve, enhance, or otherwise
support the organization’s culture. To begin
with, collective cognitive structures, such as
those derived from culture (e.g., assumptions
and values), influence what data about the
firm’s external environment are noticed and
what meaning is given to those data (e.g., Daft &
Weick, 1984). These structures filter and shape
the enormous amount of stakeholder-related in-
formation that comes to bear on organizational
participants. Culture helps people avoid infor-

mation overload and make shared sense of (and
take coordinated action in) complex and ambig-
uous situations. The practices constituting
stakeholder culture reflect the collectively
learned behavioral responses to problems that
the organization has encountered as its mem-
bers have worked together to manage complex
stakeholder relationships. As such, these prac-
tices provide agreed upon heuristics that help
managers take action, despite substantial com-
plexity and ambiguity. Taken-for-granted ele-
ments within the culture give rise to a sort of
“automaticity” (e.g., Bargh & Ferguson, 2000) in
the enactment of practices and routines in re-
sponse to stakeholder issues and attributes.

Furthermore, the assumptions and values
making up stakeholder culture may influence
the nature and sophistication of the organiza-
tional practices used to monitor and interact
with stakeholders (Hatch, 1993). For example,
people tend to expend more time and effort col-
lecting and interpreting data to elaborate on
mental models relevant to important matters
(Weick, 2004), such as for those directly related
to core values of the culture. Consequently, or-
ganization members can be expected to (1) focus
more specifically on, (2) collect more information
about, (3) develop more comprehensive under-
standings of, and (4) create more sophisticated
response routines around stakeholder issues
germane to their firm’s core values.

Stakeholder culture has antecedents in the
literature on ethical context in business set-
tings. Ethical climate refers to the prevailing
perceptions of organizational values and the
typical practices and procedures that have eth-
ical content or pertain to moral behavior
(Cullen, Parboteeah, & Victor, 2003; Victor &
Cullen, 1988). Ethical culture consists of the “for-
mal” (e.g., policies and procedures) and “infor-
mal” (e.g., peer behavior and norms) systems of
behavioral control that are capable of promot-
ing either ethical or unethical behavior (Treviño,
1990; Treviño & Weaver, 2003). Clearly, ethical
climate and ethical culture are related concepts.
In fact, much of the research done under one
tradition can inform the other, and, in combina-
tion, they address many topics of interest to or-
ganization scholars. Indeed, until Denison (1996)
sorted out some of the key differences—“deep
structure” values, beliefs, and assumptions (cul-
ture) versus surface-level understandings of or-
ganization members (climate), qualitative field

2007 143Jones, Felps, and Bigley

studies (culture) versus quantitative surveys
(climate), sociological basis (culture) versus psy-
chological basis (climate)—scholars sometimes
conflated organizational culture and organiza-
tional climate. For Victor and Cullen (1988), eth-
ical climate represents the ethical aspect of or-
ganizational culture.

Our stakeholder culture construct differs from
ethical climate/culture in two important ways.
First, it is simpler. It focuses only on what mat-
ters to corporate stakeholders—whether or not
the firm takes their interests into account—
rather than trying to separate out the precise
ethical foundation of that concern. We allow for
multiple possible foundations.

Second, unlike previous work, stakeholder
culture represents a clearly defined continuum
of concern for stakeholder interests. Victor and
Cullen (1998) employ a 3 � 3 matrix of catego-
ries, with “locus of analysis”—individual, local,
and cosmopolitan—on the horizontal axis and
“ethical criterion”—egoism, benevolence, and
principle—on the vertical axis. Locus of analysis
might suggest a continuum of concern for others,
but the authors actually mean something quite
different: sources of reference for ethical reason-
ing within the organization. Individual applies
to personal moral standards, local to internal
organizational sources, and cosmopolitan to
sources outside the organization.

The three ethical criteria have different mean-
ings across the three loci of analysis and, when
combined with each locus, yield criteria that are
quite ambiguous from a stakeholder group’s
point of view. While local egoism (“company
profit”) and cosmopolitan benevolence (“social
responsibility”) seem to be analogous to two of
our categories (below), others clearly are not.
For example, cosmopolitan egoism suggests a
broad concern for stakeholders, but one form of
this category is “efficiency,” which, according to
economic theory, would mean firm profit maxi-
mization without regard for the interests of non-
shareholder stakeholders. Similarly, an exam-
ple of cosmopolitan principles is “laws and
professional codes,” which again may have
nothing to do with the interests of many stake-
holders. Although these authors offer a credible
typology of ethical climates/cultures, its impli-
cations for stakeholder relationships are un-
clear. Thus, we believe that stakeholder culture
offers a better means of understanding firm/

stakeholder relationships from an ethical per-
spective.

A Continuum of Stakeholder Cultures

Although concern for others may be a concep-
tually continuous phenomenon, we argue that
there are critical qualitative differences among
firms that make a classification scheme mean-
ingful. Our “punctuated” continuum (Table 1) is
based on critical differences in the culture-
based solutions that firms may use to resolve
the conceptual tension between self-interest
and concern for others—sometimes made man-
ifest by power and legitimacy, respectively.

We posit the existence of five categories of
corporate stakeholder cultures, each character-
ized by a unique managerial orientation, pre-
sented in order of ascending concern for others.
First, an amoral culture—agency culture—is
based on managerial egoism and involves no
concern for others. Next, two limited morality
cultures—corporate egoist and instrumentalist
(under the umbrella term moral stewardship)—
involve concern for the interests of shareholders
but not for those of other stakeholders. Finally,
two broadly moral cultures (another umbrella
term)—moralist and altruist—involve concern
for all corporate stakeholders.

An Amoral Culture

Agency cultures are characterized by mana-
gerial egoism, the pursuit of self-interest at the
individual level, even if the interests of the cor-
poration and its shareholders, for whom manag-
ers nominally work, must be sacrificed. Agency
cultures are essentially amoral, differentiated
from other stakeholder cultures by an absence
of moral concern for other economic actors. In
agency theory, the “agency problem” stems from
the separation of ownership and control, first
documented by Berle and Means (1932). Self-
interest on the part of managers (agents) and
shareholders (principals) is assumed, and
agency theory (1) helps us better understand
and predict the behavior of firms and their man-
agers under various circumstances and (2) helps
us design incentive structures and monitoring
mechanisms that will better control managerial
opportunism. Under this view, managers who
fail to act in the interests of shareholders are not
morally deficient. Rather, they are responding to

144 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

TA
BL

E
1

St
ak

h
ol

de
r

C
ul

u
re

s:
A

Pu
nc

tu
at

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n
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nu
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fr
om

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lf

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pe

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m

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it
ed

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or

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it

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al

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ew

ar
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hi
p

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dl
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or

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ru
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al
is

t
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lt
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lt

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cr

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b
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—
m

a
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—

co
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p
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a
n

—
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n
si

d
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th
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in
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st

s
of

a
ll

a
ff

ec
te

d
p

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ie
s

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a

n
ti

a
n

p
ri

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p
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ot
re

le
va

n
t

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on

or
th

e
w

id
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cc
ep

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a

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on
ly

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on

or
th

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id
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s

on
ly

;
a

d
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to
p

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p

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s

w
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in

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ll

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a

d
va

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ta

g
eo

u
s

T
re

a
t

st
a

ke
h

ol
d

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s

a
s

en
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s
a

s
w

el
l

a
s

m
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n
s;

u
n

iv
er

sa
li

a
b

e
a

n
d

re
ve

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ib

le
p

ri
n

ci
p

le
s;

a
d

h
er

en
ce

to
p

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n

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p

le
s

im
p

or
ta

n
t

a
n

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ra

re
ly

co
n

ti
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g
en

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on

co
n

se
q

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en

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s

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re

a
t

st
a

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h

ol
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a
s

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s
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s
w

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l

a
s

m
ea

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s;

u
n

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er

sa
li

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b

le
a

n
d

re
ve

rs
ib

le
p

ri
n

ci
p

le
s;

a
d

h
er

en
ce

to
p

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n

ci
p

le
s

im
p

er
a

ti
ve

a
n

d
n

ot
co

n
ti

n
g

en
t

on
co

n
se

q
u

en
ce

R
a

w
ls

ia
n

fa
ir

n
es

s
N

ot
re

le
va

n
t

N
ot

re
le

va
n

t
N

ot
re

le
va

n
t

“V
ei

l
of

ig
n

or
a

n
ce

”
re

le
va

n
t;

a
d

h
er

en
ce

to
d

if
fe

re
n

ce
p

ri
n

ci
p

le
d

es
ir

a
b

“V
ei

l
of

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n

or
a

n
ce

”
im

p
or

ta
n

t;
a

d
h

er
en

ce
to

d
if

fe
re

n
ce

p
ri

n
ci

p
le

im
p

or
ta

n
t

R
ig

h
ts

N
ot

re
le

va
n

t
S

h
a

re
h

ol
d

er
ri

g
h

ts
on

ly
S

h
a

re
h

ol
d

er
ri

g
h

ts
on

ly
;r

s
p

ec
t

ri
g

h
ts

of
ot

h
er

st
a

ke
h

ol
d

er
s

w
h

en
in

st
ru

m
en

ta
ll

y
a

d
va

n
ta

g
eo

u
s

P
ri

m
e

fa
ci

e
re

sp
ec

t
fo

r
st

a
ke

h
ol

d
er

ri
g

h
ts

—
vi

ol
a

te
on

y
w

h
en

g
oo

d
m

or
a

l
re

a
so

n
s

fo
r

d
oi

n
g

S
ta

ke
h

ol
d

er
ri

g
h

ts
of

p
ri

m
a

ry
im

p
or

ta
n

E
th

ic
s

of
ca

re
N

ot
re

le
va

n
t

“C
a

re
”

fo
r

sh
a

re
h

ol
d

er
s

“C
a

re
”

fo
r

sh
a

re
h

ol
d

er
s;

in
st

ru
m

en
ta

l
“c

a
re

”
fo

r
ot

h
er

st
a

ke
h

ol
d

er
s

G
en

u
in

e
“c

a
re

”
fo

r
n

or
m

a
ti

ve
st

a
ke

h
ol

d
er

s
“C

a
re

”
fo

r
n

or
m

a
ti

ve
st

a
ke

h
ol

d
er

s
is

p
ri

m
a

V
ir

tu
e

et
h

ic
s

In
st

ru
m

en
ta

l
vi

rt
u

es
on

ly
(p

er
si

st
en

ce
,

a
le

rt
n

es
s,

ca
re

fu
ln

es
s,

p
ru

d
en

ce
,a

n
d

co
ol

–
h

ea
d

ed
n

es
s)

S
om

e
m

or
a

l
vi

rt
u

es
(l

oy
a

lt
y,

re
li

a
b

il
it

y,
d

il
ig

en
ce

,a
n

d
d

ep
en

d
a

b
il

it
y)

V
ir

u
es

of
co

rp
or

a
te

eg
oi

st
s

p
lu

s
a

d
d

it
io

n
a

l
in

st
ru

m
en

ta
l

vi
rt

u
es

(c
oo

p
er

a
ti

ve
n

es
s

a
n

d
p

ra
ct

ic
a

l
w

is
d

om
)

M
or

a
l

vi
rt

u
es

of
co

rp
or

a
te

eg
oi

st
s

p
lu

s
h

on
es

ty
,s

in
ce

ri
ty

,t
ru

th
fu

ln
es

s,
a

n
d

tr
u

st
w

or
th

in
es

M
or

a
l

vi
rt

u
es

of
m

or
a

li
st

s
p

lu
s

b
en

ev
ol

en
ce

,a
lt

ru
is

m
,s

el
fl

es
sn

es
s,

a
n

d
fo

rg
iv

en
es

IS
C

T
S

el
ec

ti
ve

a
d

h
er

en
ce

to
lo

ca
l

n
or

m
s

G
en

er
a

l
a

d
h

er
en

ce
to

lo
ca

l
n

or
m

s
G

en
er

a
l

a
d

h
er

en
ce

to
lo

ca
l

n
or

m
s;

in
st

ru
m

en
ta

l
co

n
ce

rn
fo

r
th

e
a

u
th

en
ti

ci
ty

a
n

d
le

g
it

im
a

cy
of

n
or

m
s

G
en

u
in

e
co

n
ce

rn
fo

r
th

e
a

u
th

en
ti

ci
ty

a
n

d
le

g
it

im
a

cy
of

n
or

m
s—

co
m

p
a

ti
b

il
it

y
w

it
h

h
yp

er
n

or
m

s
im

p
or

ta
n

A
d

h
er

en
ce

to
le

g
it

im
a

te
n

or
m

s
on

ly
—

m
u

st
b

e
co

m
p

a
ti

b
le

w
it

h
h

yp
er

n
or

m
s

2007 145Jones, Felps, and Bigley

poorly designed incentive structures, or they are
subject to inadequate monitoring mechanisms.
“Moral” failures are attributed to faulty corpo-
rate governance, not faulty managerial ethics.

Shareholders may benefit from the actions of
egoistic managers, but only as by-products of
self-interested actions taken under incentive
and monitoring regimes that properly align
managerial and shareholder interests. Other
stakeholders may benefit as well, depending on
managerial incentives, but not in predictable
ways based on the moral intentions of manag-
ers. Managerial egoists may have some instru-
mental virtues (Pincoffs, 1986), such as persis-
tence, alertness, carefulness, prudence, and
cool-headedness, but (in their managerial roles)
will lack moral virtues found in managers in
other-regarding cultures. Agency cultures are at
the purely self-regarding end of our continuum
of ethically grounded stakeholder cultures.

Self-interest will certainly play a major role in
the stakeholder cultures of many firms, without
any support from moral philosophers, perhaps
taking the form of an “every person for him/
herself” mentality. Two studies have shown am-
ple empirical evidence of individual egoism in
organizations (Fritzsche & Becker, 1984; Victor &
Cullen, 1988). We now turn to discussions of four
other-regarding stakeholder cultures.

Limited Morality Cultures: Moral Stewardship

Moral stewardship (Davis, Schoorman, &
Donaldson, 1997) is our umbrella term for two
stakeholder cultures—corporate egoist and in-
strumentalist—where managers have a limited
moral commitment—protecting and advancing
the interests of the owners of the corporation, its
shareholders—rather than the amoral perspec-
tive of agency cultures.

One of the moral foundations of market capi-
talism is based on microeconomic models that
have economic efficiency, a utilitarian concept,
as their underlying goal. Managers who believe
in “role responsibility” are implicitly invoking a
form of rule utilitarianism under which they,
acting in the interests of the firm and its share-
holders by maximizing profits (or share value),
play their appropriate role in an economy char-
acterized by competitive markets, private prop-
erty, perfect information, and so on. In short,
they believe that Adam Smith’s (1937) “invisible
hand” is indeed able to transform self-interest

into collective welfare. Milton Friedman, the No-
bel Prize–winning economist, endorses this per-
spective in his provocative essay “The Social
Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Prof-
its” (1970). Managers who have made informed
judgments regarding the ability of (even highly
competitive) markets to produce socially opti-
mal outcomes over time will regard moral stew-
ardship as morally justified.

Moral stewardship may also be based on com-
pliance with the terms of the principal/agent
contractual arrangement, a Kantian moral per-
spective, wherein corporate managers (agents)
are morally bound to advance the interests of
their ultimate employers—the firm’s sharehold-
ers (principals). Similarly, moral stewards may
be concerned with the rights of shareholders
and may even exhibit a form of empathetic
(though not very proximate) “care” for their
shareholders. In addition to the instrumental
virtues listed above for egoistic managers,
moral stewards, who aim to maximize profits (or
shareholder wealth), might be loyal, reliable,
diligent, and dependable in protecting and ad-
vancing shareholder interests.

Managers in moral stewardship cultures have
a conceptually uncomplicated moral posture at
the organization level—self-regarding and
geared to maximize firm welfare. They are not
guided by (1) act utilitarianism, which would
require them to take into account possible con-
sequences for all stakeholders, (2) the Kantian
principles of universalizability, reversibility, or
regarding stakeholders as ends as well as
means, (3) Rawlsian fairness, (4) stakeholder
rights, (5) “care” for stakeholders, or (6) the au-
thenticity (let alone the legitimacy) of local com-
munity norms. They may consider the interests
of nonshareholder stakeholders in an instru-
mental sense (depending on the form of stew-
ardship involved, as described below) in mak-
ing company decisions, but there is no moral
commitment to these other stakeholders. Stake-
holders (other than shareholders) are seen as
means (or impediments) to the ends of the cor-
poration. Managerial stewards behave accord-
ing to the lessons taught in many business
school classes: maximize shareholder wealth.

A concentrated focus on company profitability
certainly describes a significant number of
firms in modern economies and, hence, de-
scribes some corporate stakeholder cultures.
Empirical evidence of thinking along steward-

146 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

ship lines was found in two studies: (1) cosmo-
politan egoism—striving for efficiency—and lo-
cal egoism—profit maximization (Victor &
Cullen, 1988) and (2) rule utilitarianism
(Fritzsche & Becker, 1984). We now turn to de-
scriptions of the two forms of stewardship cul-
tures: corporate egoist and instrumentalist.

Corporate egoists are those firms whose cul-
tures stress short-term profit maximization or its
more recent manifestation, shareholder wealth
maximization. Such firms regard the interests of
stakeholders as important only to the extent that
these stakeholders can contribute to the firm’s
short-term economic success, a perspective in-
creasingly in evidence in today’s quarterly re-
sults–driven corporate environment. Corporate
self-interest without guile may be the best short-
hand description of egoistic corporations. Cor-
porate egoists aggressively contract with stake-
holders (employees, suppliers, creditors, and
customers) to compete effectively with other
firms in their product markets. Stakeholder
groups that can affect the firm’s short-term prof-
itability are dealt with in ways that work to the
best advantage of the firm, through arm’s-
length transacting, zero-sum bargaining, highly
specified contracting, litigation of contract dis-
putes and ambiguities, opportunistic exploita-
tion of contracting failures, and aggressive ex-
ploitation of power imbalances. Examples
include hard bargaining (including soliciting
competitive bids) over the prices suppliers re-
ceive for inputs to the firm’s production pro-
cesses and/or the prices customers pay for its
products. Employees in egoistic cultures will be
treated in ways that minimize labor costs, with-
out falling too far short of industry norms in
order to retain a competent workforce. Such
firms will interpret laws in ways that favor com-
pany profitability. When the expected value of
law breaking is positive, egoistic firms may con-
sider law breaking a viable option.

Although egoistic firms exhibit amoral behav-
ior to nonshareholder stakeholders, they are
guided by the standards of moral stewardship of
shareholder interests described above. Moral
virtues such as loyalty, reliability, and depend-
ability in the pursuit of shareholder interests
could also characterize managers in corporate
egoist cultures. Adherence to local norms (an
ISCT concept), particularly those involving
shareholders, may characterize egoistic firms as
well.

Instrumentalist cultures subscribe to the doc-
trine of “enlightened self-interest”—a voluntar-
ily adopted “morality” that extends to those
stakeholders that can enhance the firm’s finan-
cial well-being.1 Friedman’s (1970) classic arti-
cle rejecting a broad social responsibility for
corporations allowed for corporate actions pro-
viding broader social benefits, as long as these
actions are undertaken in the service of share-
holder interests. More recently, Jensen and
Fuller (2002) wrote of “enlightened stakeholder
theory,” an approach that recognizes and advo-
cates the management of firm/stakeholder rela-
tionships for the long-term enhancement of com-
pany economic performance.

Managers in instrumentalist cultures recog-
nize that moral behavior (or the appearance
thereof) is often beneficial to the firm, and they
practice a form of strategic morality where they
act “morally,” but only to the extent that it is
economically advantageous to do so. Such firms
differ from corporate egoists in that they are
opportunistic; self-interest with guile character-
izes their behavior. Guile is Williamson’s (1985)
term for behavior intended to appear moral but
with the underlying goal of advancing economic
interests—that is, subtlety in the pursuit of eco-
nomic gain (Frank, 1988; Quinn & Jones, 1995).
Put differently, the instrumentalist firm “in-
vests” in longer-term benefits by foregoing the
short-term opportunities of self-interested be-
havior. In contrast, the corporate egoist exploits
short-term opportunities as they arise.

Instrumentalists are strategically “moral”
only with respect to nonshareholder stakehold-
ers. Like corporate egoists, they do have a moral
commitment to the stewardship of shareholder
interests and may be cooperative and “practi-
cally wise” (Pincoffs, 1986) in support of those
interests—instrumental virtues that set them
apart from corporate egoists. However, since op-
portunism may ultimately involve deceit, the
moral virtues of honesty, sincerity, and truthful-
ness are unlikely to characterize instrumentalist
stakeholder cultures.

1 We present the terms moral and morality here in quotes
because, as we explained above, not all moral philosophers
(Kant, in particular) would regard “good” actions taken for
the wrong reasons as moral.

2007 147Jones, Felps, and Bigley

Broadly Moral Cultures

We also posit the existence of two stakeholder
cultures—moralist and altruist—under the um-
brella term broadly moral cultures. These cul-
tures are extensively other-regarding in their
decision making and attempt to adhere to moral
principles that apply to all stakeholders, not just
shareholders. Although moralist and altruist
firms differ in terms of the compromises that
sometimes must be considered under extreme
circumstances, both try to take stakeholder in-
terests into account, even when doing so does
not appear to be in their self-interest—short or
long term. They value honoring their commit-
ments, adhering to the spirit and the letter of
contractual obligations, and treating all stake-
holders fairly and with respect. One possible
way to distinguish instrumentalist cultures (de-
scribed above) from broadly moral cultures is
that the former may retain practices that explic-
itly weigh moral considerations against eco-
nomic benefits. A classic example of these “ta-
boo trade-offs” is putting a dollar value on
human life (Tetlock, Kristel, Elson, Green, & Ler-
ner, 2000).

Broadly moral stakeholder cultures may orig-
inate with skepticism regarding (1) the ability of
competitive markets to provide utilitarian out-
comes over time and/or (2) the sanctity of the
principal/agent contract. Examples that call the
utilitarian results of market mechanisms into
question are not difficult to find, but isolated
examples do not render profit maximization an
inappropriate application of rule utilitarianism,
which focuses on costs and benefits over time.
However, competitive markets actually create
incentives to develop arrangements that allow
firms to capture the benefits and force someone
else to bear the costs. Ultimately, there can be
no assurance that maximal social welfare will
result. Managers who reach this conclusion may
turn instead to act utilitarianism, where social
welfare is pursued directly through discrete de-
cisions rather than through obedience to rules.
The role of their firms would then be to directly
strive for overall economic and social well-
being by considering the interests of all corpo-
rate stakeholders.

Although relatively few managers are likely
to accept utilitarian theory wholesale, it is not
uncommon for people to regard consequences
for others as important elements in their moral

decision making. That might mean expressing
act utilitarian sentiments either at the personal
level—“Are benefits for a few (including me)
really worth burdens for many others?”—or at
the public policy level—“This policy is good for
the country, even if some are harmed (perhaps
including me).” Therefore, taking the interests of
others into account and aiming for the welfare of
society as a whole might become elements of a
corporate stakeholder culture. Indeed, two em-
pirical studies show evidence of act utilitarian
ethical sentiments in firms (Fritzsche & Becker,
1984; Victor & Cullen, 1988).

In a similar vein, managers may doubt the
overriding sanctity of the contract between prin-
cipals/shareholders and agents/managers,
where shareholder interests trump the interests
of all other stakeholders. Quinn and Jones (1995)
have questioned the credibility of this position
by arguing that it is logically incoherent and
that other moral obligations take precedence
over wealth-producing duties to shareholders.
For these or other reasons, managers may feel
that implicit contracts with other stakeholders
are no less binding than the shareholder/
manager contract, and, therefore, they may
adopt broader moral standards.

The Kantian notion of treating stakeholders as
ends in themselves, as well as means to corpo-
rate economic ends, also constitutes a broader
morality for corporations. Striving to uphold uni-
versally applicable principles (“What if all com-
panies acted this way?”), behaving according to
the Golden Rule, taking obligations seriously,
and not acting as if conventional rules apply
only to others are also Kantian notions that
might resonate with the managers of broadly
moral corporate cultures, as is the idea that wor-
thy “principles” cannot be discarded simply be-
cause potential consequences to the firm may
be negative. Victor and Cullen (1988) found that
some managers regarded cosmopolitan princi-
ples as important elements of the ethical cli-
mates of their firms. Thus, Kantian principles
might become a part of a stakeholder culture as
well.

Some managers may respond to common lan-
guage variants of Rawlsian notions, such as the
veil of ignorance (“there but for fortune go I”) or
the difference principle (“help those less fortu-
nate than yourself”). Many people do believe
that the rights of others should be respected,
creating the possibility of prima facie stake-

148 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

holder rights. A genuine “care” for stakeholders,
at least in a nonproximate empathetic sense,
may also motivate broadly moral managers, as
might the importance of such moral virtues as
honesty, sincerity, truthfulness, and trustworthi-
ness. Hence, Rawlsian notions of fairness,
rights, care for others, and certain moral virtues
could become elements of a stakeholder culture.

Finally, from an ISCT perspective, although
the standards and evidence that would authen-
ticate and then legitimize norms are certainly
subject to debate (the proponents of ISCT offer
many possibilities on both fronts) and are un-
likely to be known to managers, a concern for
the authenticity and legitimacy of norms is itself
a revealing process. Managers may have moral
reasons to question either the authenticity of the
rules they play by (“Have other community
members consented to these norms?”) or their
legitimacy (“Are these norms compatible with
broader ethical standards?”). Managers who
care about the propriety of the norms they ad-
here to would seem to have made a major step
toward ethical behavior and a greater concern
for their stakeholders. In contrast, managers
who subscribe to norms simply because “that’s
the way things are done around here” have not
adopted an other-regarding morality. Thus, a
concern for the authenticity and the legitimacy
of behavioral norms, like concerns for the
broadly ethical perspectives described above,
may be important elements of a firm’s stake-
holder culture.

Although the language and details of these
moral philosophies may not be known to moral
managers, the underlying sentiments of at least
some of them will be. All of these notions are
substantially other-regarding perspectives and
involve attempts to “do the right thing,” regard-
less of the consequences for the agent or firm.
They differ from the stewardship-based cultures
where the calculus of corporate self-interest is
always present—straightforward in corporate
egoist firms and more subtle in instrumentalist
firms. Broadly moral firms do not routinely apply
this calculus, because other-regarding concerns
are paramount in their cultures.

Some firms do seem to have broadly moral
cultures. Kotter and Hesket (1992) concluded that
the managers of several highly successful firms
tended to have a strong and genuine concern for
such stakeholders as employees, customers,
and suppliers, as well as shareholders. Post,

Preston, and Sachs have noted that “stakehold-
er-oriented firms often seem to be motivated by
normative considerations that underlie a perva-
sive organizational commitment to humanistic
values for their own sake” (2002: 79). In addition,
empirical work has identified elements of social
responsibility and respect for laws and profes-
sional codes (Victor & Cullen, 1988), along with
respect for rights and justice or fairness
(Fritzsche & Becker, 1984) among corporate man-
agers. We now turn to descriptions of the two
broadly moral cultures themselves: moralist and
altruist.

Moralist cultures share the characteristics of
broadly moral cultures: concern for all stake-
holders and adherence to principles regardless
of economic temptations to discard them. They
will violate their moral standards only when it
is necessary to ensure firm survival. In sharp
contrast, instrumentalist firms will violate such
standards whenever it is economically advanta-
geous to do so. Whatever their source—act util-
itarianism, Kantian principles, Rawlsian fair-
ness concerns, respect for rights, “care” for
stakeholders, ICST considerations, or a desire to
be morally virtuous—ethical standards come
first for moralist firms and are not trumped by
economic considerations, except under the most
dire circumstances.

When moralist firms make moral compro-
mises in the face of financial crises, they do so
for moral reasons. Tetlock et al. (2000) call the
weighing of conflicting moral considerations a
“tragic trade-off”—unfortunate, but necessary.
These firms understand that the failure to re-
spond to problems that threaten corporate sur-
vival will imperil all their stakeholders, whose
well-being depends on the firm’s economic via-
bility. Moralist firms are moral, but pragmatic.

Altruist cultures are included for the sake of
completeness. In altruist cultures other-regard-
ing concerns are dominant. Moral principles
trump all other decision-making criteria, even
when firm survival is at stake, setting such firms
apart from moralist firms. Altruist firms will
honor obligations, explicit and implicit, and will
always treat all of their stakeholders fairly and
with respect. Moral standards—be they based
on utilitarian, Kantian, Rawlsian, rights, care,
virtue, or ISCT foundations—are decisive and
not subordinate to pragmatic considerations.
These firms are likely to regard as worthy the
virtues of benevolence, altruism, selflessness,

2007 149Jones, Felps, and Bigley

and forgiveness, in addition to the virtues found
in other cultures. Adherence to moral principles
alone, regardless of threats from powerful stake-
holders, might be considered the “most moral”
of our stakeholder cultures. However, our dis-
cussion of derivative legitimacy (above) clouds
this conclusion; responding to derivatively legit-
imate stakeholders (powerful, but with no moral
claim on the firm) when the interests of legiti-
mate stakeholders are threatened may consti-
tute a higher morality. We are agnostic on this
issue.

The altruist culture completes our continuum,
which now extends from fully self-regarding to
fully other-regarding. As a practical matter, con-
ditions of economic competition make signifi-
cant growth or proliferation of fully other-
regarding companies improbable.

We have now discussed the characteristics of
five stakeholder cultures based on variation in
the extent to which their moral standards are
other-regarding. As in Table 1, adjacent cultures
differ in terms of moral regard for an increasing
number of stakeholder groups or a change in the
subtlety with which their managers advance
stakeholder interests. To illustrate the value of
our general theory, we turn to a discussion of
stakeholder salience (Mitchell et al., 1997).

STAKEHOLDER SALIENCE REVISITED

Mitchell et al.’s (1997) stakeholder salience
theory is an attempt to “get inside the heads of
corporate managers” to determine what they
really pay attention to as they weigh stake-
holder concerns in their corporate policy de-
liberations— colloquially, “who or what really

counts.” In this typology the three principal
determinants of salience—power (the ability
of the stakeholder group to bring about out-
comes that it desires, despite resistance), le-
gitimacy (the extent to which the stakeholder
group’s relationship with the firm is socially
accepted and expected), and urgency (the de-
gree to which the stakeholder group’s claim is
time sensitive and of critical importance to the
group)— combine linearly to produce seven
different types of stakeholder groups, each
with a predicted level of salience for manag-
ers of the firm in question. The left side of
Table 2 presents the same information as
Mitchell et al.’s (1997) Venn diagram; the right
side represents our modification of their stake-
holder salience theory.

Table 2 makes the additive nature of the
model apparent; the more attributes possessed
by the stakeholder group, the greater the sa-
lience for managers. All three attributes (defin-
itive stakeholders) result in high salience. Two
attributes (dominant, dangerous, and dependent
stakeholders) result in moderate salience. One
attribute (dormant, discretionary, and demand-
ing stakeholders) results in low salience.
Groups with none of these attributes are not
considered stakeholders and possess no sa-
lience.

Incorporating Stakeholder Culture into the
Salience Model

This model is parsimonious and has intuitive
appeal. Nevertheless, a closer look at its impli-
cations suggests some possibilities for exten-
sion and refinement. As noted above, managers

TABLE 2
Comparison of Stakeholder Salience Models

Stakeholder Attributes Mitchell et al.
(1997)
Stakeholder
Type

Mitchell et al.
(1997)
Stakeholder
Salience

Stakeholder Culture Type

Power Legitimacy Urgency Corporate Egoist Instrumentalist Moralist

Yes Yes Yes Definitive High High High High
Yes Yes No Dominant Moderate Moderate Moderate Moderate
No Yes Yes Dependent Moderate None Moderate High
Yes No Yes Dangerous Moderate High High Moderate
Yes No No Dormant Low Moderate Moderate Low
No Yes No Discretionary Low None Low Moderate
No No Yes Demanding Low None None None
No No No Nonstakeholder None None None None

150 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

of firms with different stakeholder cultures may
prioritize power and legitimacy differently, sug-
gesting the value of an extended model of stake-
holder salience that includes the effects of
stakeholder culture. In our extension we retain
the three-attribute structure—power, legitimacy,
and urgency— developed by Mitchell et al.
(1997). However, the moral nature of legitimacy,
developed above, is given more prominence
here. We also agree with these authors’ conten-
tion that stakeholder salience is the result of
managerial perceptions—psychological con-
structions of reality by managers, based partly
on features of their environments. However, we
classify these psychological constructions more
specifically in terms of stakeholder culture.

In the following sections we describe how
stakeholder cultures differentially influence the
perceptions of managers regarding the ascrip-
tion and subsequent weighting of the three at-
tributes (power, legitimacy, and urgency) of the
claims of stakeholder groups. In general, our
analysis posits that responding to power is sim-
ply rational self-regarding behavior, whereas
responding to legitimacy derives from other-
regarding (moral) sentiments. We focus on the
three “central” culture types—corporate egoist,
instrumentalist, and moralist—for two reasons.
First, the agency culture, grounded in the prin-
cipal/agent relationship and its assumption of
self-interest, is extensively described in the fi-
nancial economics/agency theory literature. The
salience of stakeholder claims will depend on
the incentive structures faced by managers as
individuals and will be unpredictable at the or-
ganization level. Other than placing agency cul-
tures on our stakeholder culture continuum, we
have nothing to add. Second, altruist cultures,
those that take uncompromisingly principled
moral positions in stakeholder relationships,
will play a small role in a competitive economy.
The three central culture types, because they
place differential importance on the three at-
tributes, have stakeholder salience hierarchies
that differ from one another and from those of
the original model, as shown on the right side of
Table 2.

Corporate Egoist Cultures and Stakeholder
Salience

As noted above, the defining ethical feature of
the corporate egoist culture is the primacy of

short-term shareholder wealth maximization.
Since powerful stakeholders are most able to
adversely affect corporate outcomes, power will
be the primary driver of stakeholder salience for
corporate egoists. Shareholders with large hold-
ings, workers with strong unions, high-volume
customers with alternative sources of supply,
and governmental agencies with relevant reg-
ulatory powers are likely to be salient to these
firms. Corporate egoist firms are likely to have
sophisticated mechanisms in place dedicated
to gathering and processing information re-
lated to powerful stakeholders. Consequently,
they will understand power considerations
quite well. If their stockholders include insti-
tutional investors with large holdings, then
routines and systems, such as an office of in-
vestor relations, will be created to manage
and influence these investors. However, dif-
fused stock ownership represents less power
and will warrant less attention.

Furthermore, powerful stakeholders with
time-sensitive and critically important claims
(urgency) merit special consideration, since they
are the ones most likely to place intense de-
mands on the firm. Thus, urgency is a booster of
salience based on power. Claims combining
power and urgency (i.e., definitive and danger-
ous stakeholders) are predicted to be highly sa-
lient to corporate egoists. Since powerful stake-
holders can hinder the pursuit of profit
maximization on grounds other than urgent
claims on the company (Frooman, 1999), power
without urgency (dominant and dormant stake-
holders) will generate moderate salience. Legit-
imate claims are irrelevant in the corporate ego-
ist’s culture, as are urgent claims in the absence
of power. Hence, dependent, discretionary, and
demanding stakeholders will not merit atten-
tion, because neither they nor their claims are
particularly valued or well-understood. Manag-
ers in egoistic cultures are “blind” to these is-
sues because of (1) a clear prioritization of pow-
erful stakeholders and (2) underdeveloped
systems for dealing with them.

Proposition 1: Managers in corporate
egoist cultures will always regard the
interests of powerful stakeholders as
at least moderately salient; they will
regard these interests as highly sa-
lient when the claims are also urgent.

2007 151Jones, Felps, and Bigley

Instrumentalist Cultures and Stakeholder
Salience

Instrumentalist firms place preeminent value
on the pursuit of corporate self-interest with
guile. Other terms used to convey this orienta-
tion are enlightened self-interest, pragmatic mo-
rality, and strategic morality. Instrumentalist
firms will try to capture the benefits of moral
behavior (Frank, 1988; Jones, 1995) without aban-
doning their fundamental self-interest. Conse-
quently, power will be a primary driver of sa-
lience, because corporate self-interest lies at the
heart of the firm’s instrumentalist posture. How-
ever, because the firm sees moral behavior as
instrumentally useful (up to a point), it will re-
gard legitimacy as a secondary determinant of
salience as well. Again, urgency is a booster of
salience generated from either power or legiti-
macy. Hence, definitive and dangerous stake-
holders will certainly be highly salient to man-
agers of instrumentalist firms because of their
power and urgency.

Unlike corporate egoists, however, firms with
instrumentalist cultures will regard the claims
of dependent stakeholders (legitimate and ur-
gent) as moderately salient as well and may pay
some attention (low salience) to discretionary
(legitimate, but not urgent) stakeholders, simply
because of the perceived long-term benefits as-
sociated with moral behavior. These benefits
might include currying favor with other power-
ful groups that have a strong preference for
trustworthy companies (e.g., customers, govern-
mental agencies) or, conversely, avoiding the
negative public relations that might come from
treating legitimate stakeholders poorly. In a
sense, instrumentalist firms may grant legiti-
mate stakeholders a form of “derivative power,”
analogous to derivative legitimacy as discussed
above.

Proposition 2a: Managers in instru-
mentalist cultures will always regard
the interests of powerful stakeholders
as at least moderately salient; they
will regard these interests as highly
salient when the claims are also ur-
gent.

Proposition 2b: Managers in instru-
mentalist cultures will always regard
the interests of legitimate stakehold-
ers as at least somewhat salient (low

salience); they will regard these inter-
ests as moderately salient when the
claims are also urgent.

Moralist Cultures and Stakeholder Salience

Moralist firms have a genuine concern for
stakeholder interests, making legitimacy the
primary driver of salience for their managers.
However, moralist firms are also sensitive to
power issues, since power may give stakehold-
ers derivative legitimacy (discussed above), a
secondary driver of salience. Since urgency pro-
vides impetus for stakeholders and firms alike
to deal with legitimate concerns, it is a booster
of salience generated by either legitimacy or
power. Combinations of legitimacy and urgency
(definitive and dependent) will be highly salient
to moralist firms. Stakeholders with these at-
tributes include shareholders, when profitabil-
ity is threatened; customers affected by product
quality; local communities affected by plant op-
erations; and employees, when threats to their
livelihood are present. Legitimacy without ur-
gency still carries moral weight, so dominant,
dependent, and discretionary stakeholders will
be viewed as moderately salient. Note that if
instrumentalist firms (above) are good at strate-
gic “morality,” their behavior may be similar to
that of moralist firms for a time. Both are likely
to be responsive to power and legitimacy, albeit
from different sources—self-interest/opportun-
ism in the former case and a moral concern for
legitimacy (normative or derivative) in the latter.

Proposition 3a: Managers in moralist
cultures will always regard the inter-
ests of legitimate stakeholders as at
least moderately salient; they will re-
gard these interests as highly salient
when the claims are also urgent.

Proposition 3b: Managers in moralist
cultures will always regard the inter-
ests of powerful stakeholders as at
least somewhat salient (low salience);
they will regard these interests as
moderately salient when the claims
are also urgent.

The right-hand side of Table 2 pulls all of
these revised predictions together for corporate
egoist firms, instrumentalist firms, and moralist
firms and summarizes our theoretical contribu-

152 JanuaryAcademy of Management Review

tions to stakeholder salience. A simple overview
of this part of the table is as follows. Acting
alone, attributes that are of primary importance
to a firm (power or legitimacy), based on its
stakeholder culture, generate moderate sa-
lience. Derivative attributes (legitimacy or
power) are secondary drivers and, acting alone,
generate low salience. In either case, urgency
acts as a booster of salience (low to moderate;
moderate to high), determined by primary or
derivative attributes, but generates no salience
by itself.

It is clear from this table that our predictions
of stakeholder salience are significantly af-
fected by stakeholder culture and that they dif-
fer substantially from those advanced in Mitch-
ell et al.’s (1997) original work. Particularly
noteworthy are the differential responses to
power by corporate egoist firms and moralist
firms. Without power, no stakeholder group can
expect to be at all salient to the corporate egoist,
whereas two stakeholder groups without pow-
er—dependent and discretionary—can expect
high and moderate salience, respectively, from
moralist firms, based on their legitimacy.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

There are three major contributions of this pa-
per. First, we identified and developed a frame-
work that highlights points of convergence—
self-regarding versus other-regarding—in
several otherwise diverse approaches to busi-
ness ethics. Second, we used this framework to
create a continuum punctuated by five corporate
stakeholder cultures— organization-level phe-
nomena that guide managerial thinking and de-
cision making with respect to stakeholder rela-
tionships. Third, as an illustrative example, we
applied our stakeholder culture construct to
stakeholder salience theory and noted the emer-
gence of significantly revised predictions of sa-
lience.

With respect to contributions of specific inter-
est for stakeholder theorists, the combination of
points one and two above represents an impor-
tant integration of normative and descriptive
elements of the theory. That is, the way a firm’s
managers actually respond to stakeholder is-
sues is interwoven with notions of how they
should respond. Also, with a firm-level perspec-
tive on salience, we can understand how a col-
lection of managers in a firm will think about

and respond to different stakeholder issues,
moving us beyond the individual values of
CEOs, as used in previous research (Agle,
Mitchell, & Sonnenfeld, 1999). In addition, our
approach explains an empirical result discov-
ered by these authors; urgency is really a sec-
ondary attribute that merely provides the “extra
push” needed to make already salient issues
more so. While power and legitimacy both have
their champions—corporate egoist and moralist
firms, respectively—urgency does not. In sum-
mary, this theoretical contribution, especially in
conjunction with subsequent empirical work,
could be an important element in the larger
cause of understanding ways for stakeholders
and firms to cooperate for mutual gain (Free-
man, 1984).

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Thomas M. Jones (rebozo@u.washington.edu) is the Boeing Professor of Business
Management at the University of Washington. He received his Ph.D. from the Univer-
sity of California, Berkeley. His research interests include business ethics and com-
petitive strategy, stakeholder theory, corporate social performance, and alternative
objective functions for corporations.

Will Felps (willf@u.washington.edu) is pursuing a doctorate in organizational behav-
ior at the University of Washington. His research focuses broadly on how to build
better organizational theories and includes the role of moral identity in organizational
decision making, the asymmetric effects of “bad apple” teammates, and the perfor-
mance implications of stakeholder cultures.

Gregory A. Bigley (gbigley@u.washington.edu) is an associate professor of human
resource management and organizational behavior at the University of Washington.
He received his Ph.D. from the University of California, Irvine. His research focuses on
trust, motivation, leadership, the self, and the social psychological foundations of
high-reliability and high-performance organizing.

2007 155Jones, Felps, and Bigley

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